tbt Sittroporii.

The great room of the City of London Tavern, Bishopsgate Street, Was crowded oa Monday evening, by a meeting convened to petition the Legislature to dissolve the union between Church and State. Mr. Hume, the Member for Middlesex county, took the chair at six o'clock, and addressed the meeting at considerable length, in a speech explana- tory of his views on the subject proposed for discussion. He said, that since the Dissenters had been disappointed in their just expectations of relief from even minor grievances,—when they found that attention was not paid to their most moderate demands,—it had become a question whether they ought not to adopt the manly course of coining forward at once and claiming the concession of the whole of their civil rights. Theywere now not merely called upon to consider the propriety of pe. titionmg Parliament for a registry of births, deaths, and marriages, for the abolition of church-rates, or admission to the Universities; but to consider whether there was not some great and decisive principle, the practical recognition of which by the Legislature would at once remove all their complaints—to consider, in short, whether they should not lay the axe to the root of the tree, the pernicious branches of which they had in vain endeavoured to lop. He had at one time doubted the pro- priety of going so far— It was not mail he was convinced of the determination of the Church Establish. ment to do nothing—it was nut until he saw that to every reasonable request a direct negative wits given—it was not nail he saw that the peace of the semidry would proba- bly be disturbed fur years by the separate discussion of all these various gricamwea—it was not until he became fully convinced of these things. that his mind embraced the conviction that it was most politic to demand at once the only efficient remedy—the separation of the alliance between Church nod State. One great benefit, at least, e said be the destruction of that political influence which the State had hitherto exercised over the Church for the most corrupt purposes. There had scarcely been one single nem. sure of tyranny. taxation. or oppression under which this country had suffered. in the prosecution of which the Government of the day had not had the full benefit or the sup- port of the Church Establishment. And now they attempted to rev ive the cry of the Church in danger. That cry would no bonier do. No doubt there was danger ; but the danger was not to their religion, but to their monopoly—to that monopoly which they enjoyed at the expense of the many millions who dissented from their doctrines. Tins was injustice. The whole question was merely one of policy; for, as to principle, there was not a man who would think for live minutest alto would not agree with it, nod who. moreover, would not say. that the Bishops should be tenoned from the (louse of Peers.

It was his opinion, formed after mature deliberation, that the Govern- ment of the day was determined to yield nothing to justice alone ; but to hold out to the last for possession of all the exclusive privileges of the Church.

They had, indeed, attempted some pitiful specimen+ of redressive legislation ; but such attempts would not do in the present times. Some radical turd effi:et ive alters. lion was imperiously required. The Government was not alive to the state of the country. '1 he Ministers did not sufficiently feel the i•nportanee of those alto now com- plained of the proscription of existing laws. They acted ruinously in rehe ion to the State; they acted ruinously in relation even to the Established Church. As a public man, therefore, he pledged himself—awl he never shrunk front acting op to his pledge —to devote his best exertions to the promotion or the eallRe which he had espoused.

Mr. Hume concluded by calling upon the meeting to allow an impar- tial hearing to all the speakers.

The Reverend W. J. Fox then rose to move the first resolution. He began his speech by stating that the requisition for the meeting did not originate with the devotees of any particular creed, or the members of any particular party.

It originated with men of many denominations. opinions. and parties, having one feeling in common on a question on withal civil and religions liberty in their opinion depended. They seught to promote HO hostile proceeding towards any pint y, religious or political ; they had no hostility to the Church of I.:1121:11Ni 05 a church. They soaelit not to deprive it of any property which really belonged to it ; they (:one not there to discuss the propriety of its inraneements or of its creeds or forms ; they a ishol it all success as a moral institution ; they a anted only one thing—to keep its roil lilt their backs. They had no feeling, no prineiptts which .111 iudolligout and religious and bene- volent Christiart might not must !wart ily join in ; tar what m in °lad des -rim iuu could desire either to plunder his neighbour or to degrade his neighbour? They eats, not there to advocates any particular party, nor did they come there in opsosilion to the Church.

It had been stated, indeed, the other day, in a curious specimen of Oxford logical commonplace, that all who differed from the Church merely wished to establish their own religion in its place ; which was in effect saying, that no man could wish to leave off eating animal food without desiring to steal his neighbour's leg of mutton. But the real honest object of this meeting, and of those who had promoted it, was to procure equal civil and religions liberty for all.

Their object was one which ought equally to influence Churchman and Dissenter-- believer and unbeliever—Protestant and Catholic—Jen and Christian ; 1hr their ob. ject was to put every man in the possesion of equal civil rights, a hatever might be his peculiar religions opinions. The resolutions a hich had been drawn up demanded tor every man this important right—this right no essential to the wellbeing of all the political. religious. and social relations of the community.

In the resolutions the political hierarchy was denounced as a great national grievance.

They prayed. therefore, that such hierarchy might be dissolved by the abolition of the spiritual Peerages; by devoting to national purposes the national property now beta by clerical corporations; and by putting all religiouists on the same tooting. thus establishing tile only state of things really deserving the name of civil and religions liberty. That was the disunion which they wished to effect—a disunion which was fairly to be compared, not to the tearing a branch from the constitution. but tattier to the removal of a fungus. Then, indeed, would the civil coustitotitm of our country re- semble cue of our native oaks—its roots deep in the earth, its branches spreading high in the air—from whose trunk they had severed the unnatural alliance of the fungus, which would have drunk up its sap and ravel itself in the noble tree, till the conta- gion of its rottenness spread through evety limb, and made it fall an easy victim to the tint storm that burst upon it.

He and those who thought with him utterly denied time right of a Government to make a religion for a country : the assumption of that right was the most extraordinary and monstrous ever made 11 frail, pre- sumptuous man.

If it were the right of one government it was the right or all governments ; if it were the right of one ruler, it was the right of the most despotic sovereign on the face of the earth. If conquest gave the right. then had the Automat of It ussia a right to march into the squares of Warsaw. lit the head of his mechanical battalions and Cos. sack Guards, and there say, " I have violated my promise; I have destroyed your na- tionality; I hate confiscated vour property ; I have sent your mattes to Siberia; I have torn tour children from their mothers ; I have established a right of conquest : and now I shall exercise my right—in masking a retie' for you." Make a teltgieu Why it' to Government belonged the power or originating it religion, to Government must belong the poem- of changing it ; and thus would they open the way to the mon- strous scene of members of a dtlegal, d Government proposing as a resolution Ben the, soul shoo d dee'a•ed im u r al, and o hat Provideuce should reign supreme on earth. Somethirg like this h I auvatly occurrea. Make a religion ! Where were the men of large st n Inds a powst hearts alto cool he trusted with such a task. and mho would not rather it their duty to bow down to earth to receive that divine inspiration whic a ....nun alone mold give. Man mate a religion I As well might man pretend to make a with Id—to spread abroad a new la aven—to launch SUDS. SiarS, and l'ialirtS, revolving through flea orbits into the regio s of bounaless space—to spread abroad the vital ptinciple of air which se breathe—as well might he pretend to do this as to embody in forms andpreecriptions the telwrial essence, a Webs springing from !leaven alone, holds undivided and imperial sway over his soul and spirit. The man who would thus presume would be hike the Mini philosopher in Dr. Johnson's story, who thought lie could command the thunderbolt a here to strike and the sunbeam where to gluw.

Ile described in very animated language the abuses which prevailed in the Established Church. He confined himself to the political view of the subject—as an Englishman, who could not bear that his civil rights should be invaded by any set of men under time pretext of promoting the cause of religion. He referred to the history of the country for proof of the malignant influence of the hierarchy upon its fortunes.

Need he refer to the persecutions instituted by the Church under the house of Tudor? Need he say aim suppurted to the utmost the unjust system of taxing America, "'Inch lost England the brig jewel in the imperial (Town ? Need he advert to the period or the French Revoluti tttt ? Who fanned the warlike fury of this country brio a blaze? ( Cries of " Me Bishops ! ") Yes, and bade to the banquet of lire. blood. and slaughter, in the name of the Prince or Peace. when the abolition of the slave-trade was proposed, did not a late Chancellor declare that the traffic in human bodies could nut be inconsistent with religiou, because Me Bishops had not denunuced it ? Who had itnsostal t he censorship on the press, and who were now its greatest enemies—but the Clergy ? they not been the most inveterate enemies of education ; awl though there were ample educational fluids in England, were they nut perverted from the object, and the greater part kept as sinecures in the hands the Established Church? Who now oppose the grant of a charter to the London University—that grant %Welt Henry Brougham said in 1525 no Administration could be so corrupt as to dare to refuse ? Either the present Administration must be monstruusly corrupted, or greatly overawed by that power which they formerly set at naught. But the last which he shutild mention—an act a hich could never be forgotten—au act which was unparalleled in histors —u as the daring interference of the Bishops in the ease of the Reform Bill, betweer the people aunt the recognition of those just rights which they demanded with united and imperative voice.

He concluded by moving the following resolution ; which was se. corded by Mr. Buckingham, M. P., and carried with three or four dis- sentient voices.

" That the alliance of Church and State is an extension of the authority of the civil power beyond its legitimate province, and uu interference anti the rights of con. science; that it tends to divide society into privileged and subordinate castes, 011 account of differeuces in religious opinion ; that it taxes the industry of the community to supply a runt!, which is often applied to the purposes of political corrup. ; and that it establishes an influence which continually opposes itself to salutary measures of reform and national improvement."

Dr. Bennett, of Silver Street Chapel, then moved

" That the alliance or church and State subjects the Church to a degrading control in the appointment of its ministers and the conduct of its discipline ; that it is hostile to the interests of religion; has caused persecutions, and fomented sectarian animus. shies; anti is shovt11, by history and experience. to be far less efficient provision for the instruction of the people than would arise from leaving religion to voluntary support,"

He declared his belief in the leading articles of faith as held by the Established Church. It was only to the connexion of that Church with the State that lie was opposed. Let it be proved that the al- liance of Church and State was scriptural, and be would bow to it. But such was not the condition of the Church of Christ in the tirst three hundred years of her existence, where it prevailed in its high and paliny condition : front the time of its connexion with the State, Christianity had made no progress. In this country, the dire effects of the close alliance between Church and State were less visible, because toleration bad shrouded it. When this same toleration was bore, she was a lovely maid ; but she was now in an intermediate period, a sort of John the Baptist wra between the Christian and Jewish religions. She was what the geologists would call a transition rock—a chrysalis—something between the entwling caterpillar of ab- solute servility, and the beautiful butterfly that soars in absolute freedom. Toleration had been a lovely dame, but she bad lived too long, and would make a frightful old woman, something like an Egyptian mummy. The Dissenter was now indignant when the term toleration was applied to him. William liowitt, of Nottingham, seconded the resolution in a brief speech ; and it was curried unanimously.

Mr. Wire, who moved the next resolution, was equally indignant and forcible in his remarks on the subject of tolerating his belief.

They were told that the Church was ready to concede all reasonable claims that the Dissenters should make. Why, abet arrogance was this—what insufferable arrogance did language such as this display I What man dared to tell him that he would " concede " that which God and nature, and all the laws a hich bound society together, told him was his tight ? What right had any man to use the word toleration to him? Ile wanted—not for Wilma!' alone. but for ever man breathing upon the tom of the aide earth—free liberty, full lilwrty, absolute -liberty, perfert liberty, in civil and religious affairs. Between him and his Judge uo mom had a right to interffire; awl he who essayed to do it—whether he excluded him from the Universities, or cum- pelted hint to pay for his clench, or to come to that church to be married. or whether he 'erased the last rights over his leely—lie who did this, or any part of this, was

• mtet1 by the same spirit that animated all the bloody persecutors of bypast times.

The resolution moved by Mr. Wire, and seconded by Mr. Rua, was- - The alliance of Church and State is the origin of grievances of which Dissenters now complain. in the matters of registration, marriage, burial, church-rates, anti ex- clusion from the Universities; that it renders the attempts for their removal so Made. guide or alentive as only to increase the discontent produced by injustice ; that it is itself a great national grievance, sacrifices the peace, the liberties, and the interests of the community, to the selfishness of an ecclesiastical corporation; and t hat, t herefore. we shall not be sat tied, nor cease to cry for justice, until that unholy and peruicioas alliance is totally dissolved." A motion by a Mr. Copland, to insert the word " tithes" before the word "registration," in this resolution, was negatived, on the re- presentation of Mr. Hume that tithes were not a peculiar Dissenting grievance, but that " all men objected to tithes."

On the motion of Mr. Gibson, a petition founded on the resolutions was adopted. Mr. O'Connell, who had been several times called for, then came forward, to promise his hearty support to the petition, and to express his gratification at the spirit and objects of the meeting. Ilis ridicule of time notion of compelling one mail to pay for the support of another's religion was effective.

Every Briton was entitled to civil liberty : did they possess it ? Could they be said

to have retie,' a frectiom so long as they had to endure any penalty—so long as they had to stiff, r a ly disability—ffir following the dictates of their own. consciences? Pia I hey find so at sur la principle applied to other proressious? If any man came to hint and said—" I an going to law. I intend to employ Sir James Fearlett, and you shall pay for him."—what would they think of the sanity or that individual? Or if any man came to him and said—' I am very sick, and must call in Sir Henry Il ilford. but ill wake volt may his fee;'—uotalti they not think the patient rather in neerd or a mad 110C. WO WOS not the same argument to be applied to the spiritual as to the bodily ailments? The Piotestants canto to him and said—" Yon are a Catholic and I am a Protestant ; I have a particular fleecy to have an Archbishop of Canterbury : I knot you don't want him, but I'll make von pay for him." If he had his option. what mould lie, as a reasonable man, reply to the three individuals ? Why, he should say to the era. that he had too much Knot sense to go to law ; to the second. that he bad too much goal health to want a doctor; anal to the last, that he had no possible use far the Arch- his:mp of Canterbury—that he wanted him k ast of :,ll. The meeting lasted till nearly ten o'clock. It was announced that means would be taken to circulate the petition in every part of London end the suburbs, so as to afford ample opportunity fur signing it. Besides the gentlemen whose names have been mentioned, Mr. Finn, Mr. Ro:buck, Mr. Vigors, Mr. Ruthven, Mr. Blake, Sir William Ingilby, and Dr. Epps, were present. The great majority was com- posed of respectable-looking persons, from the middle ranks of life. Their zeal in the cause was manifest ; and, with some few noisy exceptions, common to crowded assemblies, and most of all to the Senate itself, their behaviour was irreproachable.

A deputation from the United Committee of Dissenters waited upon Lord Althorp on Saturday, to represent to his Lordship the feelings of the Dissenters generally on the subject of the measures introduced by Government avowedly for their relief. They all concurred in stating, that the measures in question were regdrded with the utmost dissatisfaction. Lord Althorp expressed his great surprise and disap- pointment that the measure had not met with the•approbation of the holly fur whose relief it was intended : he had never filmed a measure since his accession to office which he thought more likely to prove satisfactory ; and never had he brought in a measure to Parliament with greater satisfaction to himself. He also intimated his belief that the dissatisfaction was not universal: the Dissenters in his own county of Northampton approved of it. Mr. Griffiths, one of the Northamp- ton deputation, assured his Lordship that he was altogether misin- formed on that point. Lord Althorp again expressed his regret that his measures had not given satisfaction, but would not hold out any hopes of bringing forward any of a different description.