The British Parliament stands adjourned to Tuesday the 28th instant.
The Roman Catholic Relief Bill received the Royal assent on
Monday, by commission; and becomes operative as a law on the 23d of April. The Duke of Norfolk, and the other six Catholic Peers of England, may, as soon as the Lords meet after the holy days, take their hereditary seats. In their Lordships' House, the Earl of CLANCAR21f made an attempt, by a motion for papers, to throw discredit on the exercise 252 of the Royal prerogative in liberating Mr. Eneas Macdonnel from a prison in-Dublin, where he might have died. The motion failed in every way.
The House of Commons on Monday and Tuesday discussed a motion for a Committee to inquire into the depressed state of the Silk Trade. It was opposed by the Government, and defeated by 149 votes to 31.
Mr. FYLER, in his speech introducing the motion, attributed the ruin of the silk trade to the experiments of political theorists, and he particularly alluded to Messrs. Huskisson and Grant. It was impossible he said, that free trade in manufactures could coexist with a monopoly of the trade in corn. He gave these details of the past and present condition of the silk trade.
At Coventry, since 1826 and 1827, the number of looms out of employ- ment had increased by 500 ; and the number of workmen at present out of employment was 4251. At Congleton, in 1824, the wages were 6s. 6d.; now they were els. At Paisley, in 1824, the average wages was 15s. - now 8s. 04. In Spitalfields, in 1824 and 1825, the weaver received Is. 2d. for the same work for which he now receives 9:/. There were thus 17,000 looms employed ; now, only 9000. During the same period, an alarming depreciation of the trade had occurred at Dublin.
Mr. Fyler next entered into an arithmetical proof that the cause of the depression was the increased importation of foreign goods. From 1815 to 1824, under the old system, the importation of raw and thrown silk had gradually increased ; and in the three year ending 1823, it had risen to the large amount of 8,072,000 lbs. If 1826 and 1827, the first two years of the free trade system, were taken with reference to the importation in 1824 and 1825, it would be found that there was a decrease under the new system of 1,049,153 lbs.; and a loss to the country exceed- ing 1,666,233/. by legal importation of foreign silks, and by smuggling. Nothing would prevent smuggling but a duty so high as to deter the French from sending their goods here.
Mr. RosErersoN, on the same side, ascribed the distress to exces- sive importation, for the most part,—though partly, no doubt, to overtrading. Foreigners, he said, were determined to continue their restrictive system, and we could best fight them with their own weapons.
Mr. VESEY FITZGERALD, in refusing a Committee—which could only encourage doubt, or a false reliance—remarked, that a return to prohibitory duties would not restore the former high wages of the weaver; it would not increase the consumption, nor prevent the public from using cotton. The root of the evil lay in over-production. He endeavoured to prove this by a statement of • the raw silks imported and new mills erected.
In the five years after 1824, the imports of the raw material were 18,584,2321bs. In the five years before that period, the amount was 10,925,6461bs. ; making a difference of 7,658,5861bs. In the intermediate years till 1828, the increase had been gradual, but great. In 1828, when no alleged cause of distress existed, save the continuance of smuggling and the existence of the present system, the importations were—of raw material, 4,162,5501bs. ; thrown, 385,0001bs.; total, 4,547,5501bs.
Since 1823, the number of looms had increased by the number of 1000. In 1824, the number of silk manufacturers in Coventry amountedto 100; in the course of last year, there were between 300 and 400. In Manches- ter, in 1823, there were not 20 silk manufacturers; at present there were above 60. At that time there were only about 5000 looms within ten miles round Manchester ; in the present year that number was nearly double. In the year 1823 there was scarcely a single lodm in Leeds, near Manchester, but at present there were 1000, besides immense power-looms erected. In Macclesfield the same distress was produced by the same causes. In 1823 there were 3000 looms—in October 1828, 6000, and in February 1829, there were 4000. In Glasgow, there were 3000 looms. in the year 1823, in February 1829, they amounted to 7000. In 1823 there were four silk manufacturers ; at present there were six ; and of silk and cotton manufacturers there were ten. In Paisley there were 11 silk ma- nufacturers in 1823 ; at present 30.
Mr. Fitzgerald has some measures of protection and relief to propose. In order to preserve the home market and to obtain a foreign market, it was necessary to give the manufacturer the raw material on the same terms and of the same quality with the manufacturer of France; and then there would be no competition to fear. It was therefore proposed to reduce the duty upon thrown silk from 5s. to 3s. 6:1., on tram from 3s. to 2s., and the duty on singles would be lowered to ls. 6d. It was also in- tended to propose the admission of the principle of a drawback on home- manufactured silk, in amount equal to the duty on the foreign thrown. silk employed in it. He proposes an ad valorem duty of 25 per cent. or a. rated duty at the officer's choice, on all silk articles which are in general consumption, and therefore more readily smuggled ; and to limit tbe ad- mission (in vessels not less than 70 tons burden) to the ports of London and Dover, and one or two other ports in England, and one port in Ireland. The duty on India silk, as the law now stands, is 50 per cent.;. and Mr. Fitzgerald proposes to reduce it to 20 per cent.
Mr. BARING saw no use for a Committee, as the silk trade could not make out a case before the Committee against the proved fact of a continuing increue, lie, however, spoke evil of " theories;", and ridiculed the notion that a complaint, which originated in our inability to compete with foreigners, could be remedied by admitting foreign competition on easier terms. He firmly believed that the English silk trade was a "condemned trade," which must sooner or later perish. The French surpass us in machinery, they have an easier access to the raw material, their colours are much superior to ours, and they have the prescriptive privilege of setting the fashion to the rest of the world. Mr. Baring's unfavourable opinion is not confined to this particular branch of manufactures and traffic.
"It is certain, that at present considerable difficulties and suffering are existing in every department of the trade of the country. I believe, that in most of the other cases, this difficulty is only temporary. At the same time I must say—and 1 am sorry to be obliged to do so—that I cannot conceive it possible that this country, as long as Europe remains in a state of peace, will be able, for any great length of time, to continue a manu- facturing country for the purposes of exportation. By and by we shall come to the same difficulties in the wool and cotton trades; though I do not think that they will ever arise in our iron manufactures or our pot- teries, because they are peculiarly fortunate in their circumstances. The cotton manufactories in the United States are pushing forward with amazing vigour, and their success must be certain as long as cheap food continues to be (as it always will) the criterion. Every year evinces greater progress on the part of our rivals."
Mr. F. Bitxrosi spoke On the side to which ?Tr. I3aring lent his argument ; but, unlike that gentleman, lie also gave it his vote.
" I shall vote for the Committee, because 1 feel for the afflictions of these unhappy people (the weavers of Spitallields). Five hundred thou- sand souls, hitherto living by the silk trade, are now in the utmost distress in various parts of the kingdom ; and, right or wrong, they ascribe that distress to the measures of Ministers. Arc they not, then, entitled to the satisfaction of an inquiry; and is not the Government also entitled to the justice of convincing the public, by this means, that it is not the author of the present calamities? I shall, therefore, support the Committee, first, because, right or wrong, reasonable or unreasonable in their notions, they are entitled to inquiry; secondly, because I am not yet convinced that they are not right."
1111'. HUSKISSON 1.001: up the same line of argument as Mr. Fitzgerald; and by arithmetical deductions showed that I he suffer- ing in the silk trade must he ascribed to the excessive speculations of those engaged in it. We could not retrace our policy in I lie silk trade alone, IA en if we were inclined : other trades would claim a similar monopoly, and our whole commercial system would be unhinged. OfEeial docimients, I hat under the present system our exports and shipping Ie increased; and he illustrated the happy moral influence of the; system in maintaining peace.
" The present wise system of commercial policy has inculcated an im- portant doctrine in the pacific relations of one county to anotherHn showing that oue state is not enriched by the impoverishment of another, but that mutual interchange of their resiendive produce is the only sure basis of mutual prosperity. By this it has tended, and will daily tend, more to prevent contests for objects of commercial selfishness—to avoid a recurrence of those naval wars which in the end injore the manufac- turing greatness of all the parties mom-aged in it. It has given rise to just notions of commercial intercourse with colonies, by putriog an cud to all those petty rivalries in which colonies hitherto had involved the mother countries. Was this mere assertion ? Let the extraordinary fact in the history of the country, that for fifteen years we have enjoyed a commer- cial peace with the world—that, for the first time during so many years, Parliament has not been called upon by the Crown to protect with a naval and military force some colonial commercial right, or to resist some com- mercial outrage—answer the question. (Chem.es.) By the general princi- ples of our present liberal system of commercial pmilicy, we have disarmed other countries of their former usual resource of excluding our manufac- tures, by convincing them that they must, more than ourselves, suffer by a retaliation of their conduct. 1 will go furtlier, and say that if we had not altered our prohibit ive laws, we should long since have been engaged in a mischievous war with some state equally blind to its own interests. The present repudiated free trade system, then, not only tends to allay irritation and preserve peace to the colonies, but to prevent war with other nations."
Mr. HuNiE also pursued the arithmetical argument. The " pro- tection" to be afforded would amount only to zibout 60,0007. upon an importation of 4,000,0001. He thought l he tiffowsters would show their good sense, if, instead of clamour:I le ft et (1 iini, t hey were to beg the Government to withdraw the duties all otet1 ter. If the English manufacturer received the raw material at 1I1.: same price as the Lyons manufacturer, he would soon rival him in the liner articles.
Mr. PounErr THOMPSON demonstrated that the English silk throwster could not carry on his trade without some of I he finer silks of France and Italy ; and that he would therefore lie bene- fited by the reduction of the duty. To talk of free trade, as ap- plied to this country, was almost ludievous.
"He looked round to see what were the free trades in this country. Al-. most every article imported into or made in Great Britain was loaded with heavy duties; and at that moment they were dismissing, wit whether a duty should or should not be impo -tett, but whether a thd y should be re- duced from 35 to 25 per cent. lie know no standard by which the wealth of a country could be better estimeted than by its power of cm insumption of the necessary articles of lime; and it was by that he wished, not this principle of tree trade, but the approximation to that principle should be fairly and correctly judged. Now the live most important articles of con- sumption were sugsr, coffee, cotton, has and tallow ; and the returns gave the following amounts :—the amount of sugar consumed was, in 1e23, 3,127,000 cwt.; in 1824, 3,267,000 cwt. ; ill 1827, 3,57-1,000 cwt.; and in 1828, 3,3-10,000 cwt. The coffee, in 182:1, 8,742,000 lbs.; in 1824, 8,584,00011/s.; in 1526, 13,556,0110 Ms.; and in 1827, 15,972,000 lbs. Cot- ton, in 1823, lei millions of pounds; in 1827, 2-19 millions of pounds. Flax, in 1823, 516,000 cwt. ; in 1827, ete8,000 cwt. The 'fldlow, in 1823, 875,000 cwt.; in 1827, 1,191,000 cwt. Between the years 1823 and 1527, therefore, there was in these various articles an increase in the amount ition, in sugar, of 7 per cent. (that increase being the lowest i/ikas highest) ; in coffee, of :10 per cent. ; in cotton, of 34 Ett*, 4( 65 per cent. ; and in tallow, of 60 per cent. These were the mischiefs of that free trade system which had been introduced by .modern philosophers and theorists; these were the disastrous and lamentable consequnces produced by those persons upon the productive industry of the country " (Cheers.) Mr. CHARLES GRANT made the prevailing 'pressure upon the farmer, the agriculturist-the manufacturer, and the retail dealer, an argument against a Committee on the silk trades—which, by the way, was not suffering so severely as the cotton trade. The distress in Spitaltields was aggravated by causes not immediately connected with the silk trade, and even by the blameable conduct of the weavers themselves. This district was the receptacle of the working classes on account of the cheapness of lodgings: many of these got temporary employment as silk weavers ; and as they were first thrown out of employment, they were loudest in their complaints. Mr. Grant concurred with Mr. Thompson in deprecathw,, as one source of distress, the system of regulating wages, in which the weavers per- sisted; and both mentioned cases where work having been offered at M. per yard, the men stood out for 10d., and the work was sent to the country and done for 6d.
Mr. Alderman WAITHMAN said, " he did not understand the doctrine of free trade. He had read many books on this subject, and on political economy, but they only bewildered him ; he did not know, after reading them, whether he had any common sense or not."
On Wednesday, Mr. PEEL introduced a new Police Bill for the Metropolis ; and made an elaborate exhibition of the statistics of crime, and the deplorable faults of that system of police wider which London and its environs have become one vast school and theatre for thieves.
Various Committees have inquired into this subject ; but as most of them originated in the excitement of some extraordinary clime, their labours ended nearly where they began—the excite- ment passed away, and the subject itself was forgotten. At last, however, the evil has grown to an extent which demands the im- mediate and peremptory interference of the Legislature.
" If we compare the state of crime in this country with that of other countries of Europe, or if we compare the number of crimes committed in London with the returns of the same kind from the different counties of England, I fear the comparison will nut be found very favourable either to the morality of the people, or to the security which the laws afford to property in this great metropolis. " In London and:Middlesex, the number of commitments in the year 1828 was in the proportion of one to every 383 persons ; while in the rest of England and in Wales it was but as one to 822 persons. * " 1mmthe year 1821, the commitments in London and Middlesex amounted to Zion—the population, according to the census, being 1,167,000. In the year 1828, seven years afterwards, the number of commitments had in- creased to 3560. The population, according to the former ratio of the census, being 1,349,000 ; in other words, crime had increased 41 per cent. while population had advanced only 151 per cent. * * The number of convictions, taking the same periods, had risen from 19 per cent. to 55 per cent."
While clime has increased in London, it has diminished in the counties, taking ti tem all together.
" Comparing the returns of 1827 and 1826, we find that in forty-four counties of England and Wales, the increase of convictions amounted to 1,914, while in six of the counties, including the city and liberties of Bristol, the decrease amounted to 157, leaving a nett increase of 1757 in the year 1827, as compared with the year 1826. Comparing, however, the year 1827 with the year 1828, I find a very considerable decrease in the number of convictions ; for in thirty-five counties, the returns give a decrease to the extent of 1656 ; while in fourteen counties, including the city and liberties of Bristol, there is au increase of 299, leaving a nett decrease of 1357 criminals. I do not believe that this decrease proceeds from any absence of a disposition to commit offences, for I think a portion of it is to he attributed to the exertions of the Magistrates and the Police; and I therefore draw from it the conclusion, that we are bound to take some measures to remedy these defects, which place us so far below those counties in their exertions for the prevention and punishment of crimes" Among the causes of the increase of crime, (which, though Mr. Peel laid much to the account of t ,e police, he did not pretend to trace accurately in detail) the celebrated march of intellect was enumerated—the progress of refinement, and the improvement in all those mechanical arts by which the perpetration of crimes is assisted.
Mr. Peel admitted that some of the parochial police establishments are good ; but the want of unity in their proceedings renders tlient ineffective. In the parish of St. Pancras, for instance, the nightly watch is under the superintendence of eighteen diffiTent authorities, all independent of each °films Lambeth is divided into different districts, and the inhabitants form establishments for watching particular divisions, but not more than live are watched. The effect of i he best parochial establishment is only to drive thieves to another ptrish NVI dell is less vigilant, or to the outskirts of the same parish, where the vigilance may be relaxed. Illustrations from the evidence taken by the Committee of last year, in regard to the state of the Kensington division.
" The Clerk of the Magistrates says, on his examination, that the con- stables of that division are not subjected to any responsibility; and the consequeuee is, that they are in general a set of sad drunken fellows, who seemingly spend the whole of their time in devising how they may draw out very long bills. This is the description given by this gentleman of the guardians of the public peace in Kensington; a district which in- cludes sonic of the most important places in the vicinity of London, and which is fifteen miles in circumference. He further goes on to say, that there are only three constables and three head-boroughs for the whole of that district. I make no reflection on those respectable persons who may at present hold the ollices of constable or of head-boroughs, when I refer to the description of their being sad drunken fellows; but 1 may le2- permitted to say, as was once said in this House, of the heads of the Court of Chancery, that if these three head-boroughs were angels, it is utterly impossible fur them to fulfil the duties required from their situa. tion. This gentleman also says, with reference to Kensington, We have a great number of burglaries committed of course in this parish ; and within the last six weeks I can number nineteen—sixteen of these being effectual burglaries and three of them attempts.' What must be the state of that parish in which there were sixteen burglaries and three attempts in six weeks?"
State of Spitalfields at a recent period: it is now a little improved. " Gangs of ruffians were in the habit of assembling at the corners of the streets, and perpetrating offences lathe middle of the day ; robberies and burglaries were therefore frequent, and there seemed to be no security for either person or property."
In the parishes in the immediate vicinity of London, the people are obliged to trust to the honesty of the thieves for the protection of their property. " In the parish of Fulham, for instance, which includes Hammersmith and several other important villages, and which has a population of 15,000 persons, there is no watch whatever."
It is the same in Chiswick, Isleworth, Action, Brentford, St. Mary-le-Bow Stratford, Battersea, Barnes, Putney, and Wands- worth.
In Deptford, one of the most populous places in the vicinity of Lon- don, and connected so closely with the metropolis as almost to form a part of it, a vast number of rogues and thieves take up their residence. The number of inhabitants in it and its immediate vicinity may be esti- mated at 20,000 ; and while their situation affords them the greatest faci- lities for the commission of crime, their poverty too frequently forms a strong stimulant to attempt it. There is no watch in it or any part of the neighbourhood, and the consequence is, that crimes of the most atrocious and sanguinary character have been frequently perpetrated upon the aged and the helpless of its inhabitants." • Such is Mr. Peel's account of the march of crime, and of the protection afforded to the lives and and property of the lieges. This is the nature of his remedial Police Bill :-
" The Bill in complian6e with the Report of the Police Committee of last year, takes the watching of the metropolis out of the hands of the parishes : it unites the whole of the different watch establishments of a number of parishes under one superintending head, which is to receive the reports of the subordinate officers, and to take charge of the manage- ment of the whole of this body of foot or night patrol. 71 call them patrol instead of watchmen, because I do not think that much respectability re- mains attached to the name of watchman. (A laugh.) I propose also by the bill, that there should be three Magistrates of this Police, who are to take charge of all those establishments which have been hitherto under the control of the parochial authorities : it will of course follow, that all districts of parishes must be abolished."
By this means, it is supposed, the public will obtain a far more efficient police than the present, at a smaller expense. The opera- tion of the act to bee-in with a limited number of parishes : and its extension to be gradual, and the result of experience as to its work- ing.
" The expense of this alteration, and of the establishment, to be paid by local taxation, rated and levied in the same manner as that part of the parish-rates now levied from the inhabitants. I propose, therefore, in this bill, that in ten parishes the duties of those persons who act as constables or watchmen are to cease from the time they are placed under the superintendence of the Board ; and that, of course, the obligations of the parish authorities, as connected with them, should cease at the same time. When the Board finds it has power to manage successfully a larger number, and sees the necessity of doing so, then they are, upon notice given to the parochial authorities, to be permitted to place other parishes under the same regulations."
The appointments are to be vested in the Secretary of State. The minute details of the bill will be given afterwards ; but in the mean time, it is to be submitted to the Police Committee of last year, as a better mode of perfecting its provisions than at once submitting it to discussion in the House.
In the Committee on a Bill for regulating the affhirs of Green- wich Hospital, on Tuesday, Mr. HUME brought forward a new scheme for paying the national debt. Attached to the estates of the Hospital, in the North of England, there arc four Church livings with incomes varying from 400. to 1901. a year : the right of presenting is in the Lord High Admiral, and they are commonly conferred on Naval chaplains of long standing. Mr. Hume wished Sir George Cockburn to say what these livings would brill.- in the market, before he asked for more money. And when Sir C. WETHERELL observed that the sale of advowsons would be most mischievous, Mr. HuatE replied, that his proposition was "only part of a more general plan for the sale of all the Church livings in the patronage of the Crown. They amounted in number to eleven hundred; and he proposed to convert the proceeds of the sale into a sinking fund for the payment of the national debt." He thought the plan perfectly unexceptionable ; and if Sir Charles did not "die soon", he should see the plan submitted to the House. The estates of Greenwich Hospital, it appears, are now so well managed that they bring a rental of 40,0001. a year : in 1792 they brought only 40001.