PUBLIC EXPENDITURE APART FROM TAXATION. " Ecosromv," says Mr. WAKEFIELD,
in his dedication to Mr. Hume, " properly signifies a due expenditure, neither too much nor too little.' The title of the book has been diesel' to express the mode of treating the subject which the author has adopted. In his arguments on the inadequate pay of public servants, he shuts his eyes altogether to the increased national income which higher remuneration would require, and to the difficulties of rais- ing it: the beneficial effects which he considers would accrue from "adequate pay," alone occupy his mind. In like manner, when looking at the " excessive pay of public servants," it is not the mere waste of money—the additional hundreds of thousands, or millions, that may be drawn from the people by unnecessary taxes —which attracts his attention : lie looks at the evils that over- pay creates, by maintaining a large number of antiquated or mis- chievous establishments, for the sake of the superior offices attached to theta, by introducing •men into offices for which they are totally unqualified, as well as by its-inevitable tendency to destroy the fitness of competent men, through the means of indul- gence which it puts into their power, and by the temptation with wind' it assails them. Yet worse even than this—if any thing can be worse than filling the most important offices with the most incompetent persons—is its general Abet upon the public mind; rendering all men thoroughly venal, who have the slightest chance of ever tasting " the honey of public employment," and indisposed to assist in carrying into effect those searching reforms which would reduce or destroy the value of their tickets in the lottery of public plunder. In the eyes of the advocate of mere retrench- ment, all savings are measured by the amount of the taxation they enable Government to remit. The enlightened economist tests the value in a different manner. If the saving is made by unfairly turning adrift humble and hard-working clerks or mechanics, without regard to individual suffering, he is not disposed to praise it very highly. If the savings have the effect of reducing the effi- ciency of the public service, he is disposed to censure them— should the retrenchment consist in the abolition of sinecures and overpaid offices, or in the reduction of their emoluments, lie values the direct relief to the people much, but he values the progress which has been made towards the establishment of good govern- ment more. The retrenchment of the Duke of WELLINGTON, says Mr. W AKEFIELD, enabled him to repeal the Beer and Leather taxes. But the benefit these repeals produced to the people were as nothing, compared with their indirect effects upon the Reform Bill, which they facilitated by weakening the corrupt supports of Government, and alienating those followers whose loyalty was dependent upon the fleshpots.
Mr. WAKEFIELD has divided his work into two parts. The first is devoted to the pay of the privates in the Army, the com- mon men in the Navy, the New Police, and the inferior ministers in the Church. All these classes lie considers underpaid ; and he notes the mischievous effects which in his opinion flow from it. Of the Church little needs be said ; curates and plain needle- workers are the worst paid classes in the community. In the other eases his conclusions are not so clear. Hehas looked at the subject somewhat partially; and having read rather than fully digested the doctrines of political economy, he has sometimes overlooked a few of the circumstances which enter into the elements of wages. A higher rate of pay and promotion from the ranks might undoubt- edly raise the character of the Army, and thus the practice of flogging might be safely abolished. But it by no means follows that these desirable points cannot be attained without increasing the pay, or that the pay is really too low. Mr. WAKEFIELD Com- pares the soldier with the labourer ; forgetting that the latter is subject to charges from which the former is altogether free. He pays no lodging ; his clothing is provided ; when he moves, it is at the country's expense; his provisions are furnished to him at the cheapest possible rate, and always of one uniform quality and quantity ; a rise in prices is nothing to him, for the difference is defrayed by the Commissariat s he is tended in sickness without cost ; and if placed in positions where additional expenses are ne- cessary, "allowances" come in to make up the difference. Whe- ther the pay of the Police be too low, is also a matter of question. Like the soldiers, they have the advantage of contract prices, which raises their nominal guinea to 25s. or 26s. per week. Unlike the "superior labourer" (or mechanic), their pay is continuous throughout the year ; a circumstance which renders their emolu-
likens nearly equal to the bulk of the artisatis in London, must of whom are several weeks in the year, and not a few sometimes • months, without employment. How far increasing the pay would increase their efficiency, we cannot tell. It might lead to the " em- ployment of men who, besides activity and intelligence, can com- tumid their tempers, possess judgment, trastwurthiuess, and no little knowledge of the criminal low," &c.; or the disrepute at- tached to the employment might prevent min of "a higher order" from entering it:tu the Force. About oat: thing, however, there is no dsubt : it would lead to the same kiwi of jobbing, cor- ruption, and pat rsnage, which are -o prevalent in the overpaid de- partments. The pay of the Navy is, in war-time, perhaps too low (although not so, we believe, at the present moment, if it be compared welt Greer emphaments). As au increase in the rate of
wages—and, if it he intended to abolish impressment on Mr. M'Cusseett's plan, in the number of teen—would not cause such a 'very en:metes addition to the Estimates, the subject is worth entertaining. No olio would grudge the partnent of a lase to increase the comforts and raise the character of the " Service afloat every one would consider a saving which tampered with its reed efficiency us any thing but a trtte economy. In the second part of his work, Mr. WAKEFIELD investigates the effeets of over-pay ; which he acknowledges to be touch more misehievous than those of under-pay. He traces the ill abets which high salaries produce, by causing both an unnecessary outlay beyond the high salaries themselves, and by " tse mioption of a bad mode of proceeding fits attaining the object in vie ss" in our Colonial, Irish, Legal, and Punishment systems. He next proceeds to the inoastruns abuses of our Diplomatic and Regal establishments ; and then, taking Sir HENRY PARNELL as his text-hook, endeavours to FIM. Out the charges in the different departments, a Inch the great Financial Refot•mer desiderates, will not be effected for a long period (unless some sudden outbreak of the People compel their adoption), through the power which the profusion itself furnishes to its advocates to resist. Reform.
We will take our specimen from this part of the volume. It is
from his review of the First Sessi n of the Recanted House of Counnons; and exhibits its failures, and the author's opinion of their causes. It is not so germane to Expenditure as some other passages that might have been selected ; but it acquires a tem- porary interest titan the close approach to the Second Session. It will be perceived that Mr. WAKEFIELD agrees with the Spectai'or in thinking, that for the House to do any practical good, it should adopt a new mode of WORKING.
The vicious composition of the present Ihniee, rendering it like the former one, " a sort of overgrown club," prevented it from Irving a l'elberative as- sembly. The only point which really attracted attention, was deciding. pri- vately, whether the Ministers should be supported or nut. A really delibera- tive lardy would hate ascertained this point by public and Lon.; file examina- tion and discussion of the measures brought forward by the Ministry ; but this was impracticable. Hence, notwithstanding the presence of many men of bu- siness-like habits and undoubted talents, as well as a general anxiety to get through the sessional business, little was done, and that little was badly done. Nevertheless, it was in the power of a Leader of the House, pos-esseri of re- quisite knowledge and ability, to have brought the Reformed Parliament through its first ti ial with some credit. An intelligent man if business would, at the beginning of the session, have insisted upon a proper selection of the Committees. This would have been the greatest of all hoprovemems in the working of the House, because it must he the foundation of all others. Per- haps nothing could be invented less calculated to attain the end. in view than Parliamentary Committees, us they are now formed. The end in view is to sift, purify, condense, and arrange business, before it cones into the Home' for discussion; so that the real subject-matter of the business may be the subject- matter of debate. Amidst a thousand attempts to attain this desirahle object it is rarely or never effected. It is only necessary to peruse the Reports of the Con tttt ittees, in order to be convinced of this fact ; which is not only disgrace- ful. to the House, but to the character of Englishmen generally'. In all departments of at or science, and especially in every department of practice, the English are remarkably superior to all other countri.e. in the mechanical arts, no nation can equal them ; and none surpasses them in scientific knowledge. Moreover, there is a department of practice—the trans- action of commercial business—of which the character is closely allied to that under review, and in which English tx:ellence is almost proverbial. All per- sons acquainted with the mode of doing mercantile business on the continents of Europe and America, and iu London, must be aware of our superiority over men of all countries, save the Americans. The clearness, quickness, method, accuracy, industry, and energy of a large London merchant's counting-house, is a subject of admiration to all appreciating the talent of adapting means to an end. Let us compare the mode of proceeding, in such a House, with that adopted by a Parliamentary Committee. In the imerchaues house, the indus- try, knowledge, energy, and zeal, of each person is so diiected, as to be employed with the greatest possible effect on any given point. The art of directing thus is very simple; it consists in nothing more than allowing each person to occupy himself with one thing at a time, without let, hindrance, or interruption of any kind whatsoever. The art of misdirecting, used in Committees, is equally simple; namely, allowing every man to impede his neighbour, intentionally or otherwise, in any way be pleases. Indeed, the practice of interruptim is car- ried to such an extent, that a Cesnimittee has much more the appearance of a Dumber of persons assembled for the purpose of gossiping, than of doing busi- ness. Whether a man be old or young, used or unused to business, well•io-
formed or ignorant, lie rarely waives his right of saying something. Several members often speak together ; so that only bottles, glasses, and a little more courtesy of manner, are wanted to make a Committee the per fict image of a convivial party'. The result, not of the labour, but of the strenuous idleness of such an assembly, is just what might be expected. Whatever is done, is
generally the work of an individual, who from being more Maned to activity than his neighbours, does what he can, in spite of all kinds of hinderance, vexa- tion, and delay. Sometimes a person of superior qualifications, and well ac- gummed with the subject of inquiry, is Chairman of a Committee; when a Report having something like folio and method, and arriving at some practical conclusion, is obtained : but the mass of Reports is a collection of nmegre and di. jointed statements, without arrangement, and without an aim. Two or three examples will he sufficient for the present purpose; of which a remark- able one is the Committee of Inquiry into the state of the Factory Children. This Committee sat for months, and immerse{ au enormous expense, by calling before it wituesses from all parts of the country. Nevertheless.. it produced such a Report, that it was deemed necessary, by the Ministry, to appoint a Conoyission to retliainine the subject, although doing so tees costly, unpopular, and disco finable to all parties concerned. Auother example of the inefficiency of cemnittees, may. be seen in the Report of that appointed to inform the llouse on the subject of Secondary Ptiiii,liments. At the time this Coannittee was named, the substitution of a good secondary punishment, in place of hang- ing, was a point of the greatest Mimi' lance. It was especially iiiterestieg to the mercantile nien of London; because they had hero told, that if haligiug for forgery were abolished, and no other punishment put in its place, a great in- crease of the crime of forgery would take place. It was, therefore, natural to conceive that the Committee would have directed particular attention to this part of the subject. This, however, nes not the case. The Report, although containing a mites of print, is without a single suggestion ou secoo Loy punish- ment, that could be turned to any practical account whatever. TLe chief Wools of the Cominittee s.• -ms to have been spent iu inquiriug whether trans- portation to New South Wales was really a punishment or net ; which labour,
It is neerress to say t , might have been spared. a An abundant source of in my is the delay and consequent expense occasioned
by Committees playing, wish their business day after day, week after week, and • month after month. Thinking of the lllll ober and the pay of the agents, at- Wellies, barrister's, witnesses, canvassers, and runners attending a Committee on a harbour bill, or a rail• road bill, one is astoniehed that no English Minister has tried to alter so vile a system. The first inquiry into the piopriety of permit- ting, the railroad from llencliester to Liverpool cost '70,0001. ; and similar in • quirks generally cost in propertimi. It is well known that the construction of that magnificent work teas retard- 41 ler a long time by the Repines of Parlia- mentary Committees, framed so as to suit the views of some peat landed pro- prietors opposed to the undertaking. The Birmingham rail-road was treated in the saute manner, although the Cullman). has at last succeeded in obtaining an act of Parliament. The vexation and loss to individuals front suet" proceedings on the prat of the Committees, is a trill,: compared to the loss to the station, by preventing capital from being employed. The amount of injury dune to Great Britain by the energy and enterprising spirit of the most energetic people in the world tieing impeded, cramped, and too often utterly defeated, by the ignorance and venality of Members of Parliament, is incalculable.
Our mode of doing legielative business, however, must be a subject of pity or indignation, rather titan of wonder, to those who reflect on the wide difference of character between the makers of Englieli laws. and those fur whom the laws are Millie. Ni, intelligent man can feel surprised that the majority of the !louse of Commons does not sympathize, for instance, with the men of M turd:ester, Birmingham, Liverpool, or Leeds. These latter 9re men of liminess; active in- dustrious, persevering. watelifiii, determined pursuers of profit ; not given to idle speereatious, nor distracted by attending to varioue subjects, but filled full of one idea—that of employing capital so as to obtain the greatest possible return for it. The former, the men of the House of Commons, are Linerful theorists,. or wild Irish, or dandies, or prodigals harasser! by debts, or Ninirods, or clod- hopping persons without eve!, one idea, mixed up with some clever men who it.oaid make excellent jugglers : but how many are practical and safe men ? That sirrh an aseenbly should mismanage business, so as to inflict all kinds of injury en the country, is not surprising. Except in eases where corruption makes them act in a particular way, they treat the affairs of the nether just as they treat their own affairs. The industry, knowledge, and capability which they brio;; to the con-iteration of their own concerns being very little, and they being incapahle tf bringing more than they possess of these qualities to the con- sideration of public coccPrils, it cannot be a matter of wonder that they behave as they do. Bo, why do such persons become legislators? lleeause there is an extravagant expenditure. file systentatized prufueion of the Government holds out temptations to men of all kinds to inflict their presence upon the Great Council of the nati lll with almost a certainty of benefit to themselves, and with an absolute certainty of injury to every body else. The prodigality then, the dearness of the Government, is the toothier of all the evils springing from careless, ignorant, and venal ligielation. Who can describe or even number • thou ? The millions who suffer front antiquated institutions may answer, if they can. The agricultural labourer who has become half peasant and half slave, from the operation of the Corn and Poor laws, can 'show his wasted holly. The over-worked and under-fed artisan in manufacturing towns has often told his tale of wretchedness. The voice of barbarous Ireland, hungry in the midst of plenty, has long ago been choked in blood. The struggle is vain, the fight is hopeless, whilst the base lucre of gain is a loadstone to the House of Cumulous, attracting all %tiro have sense enough to know that having something is better than having nothing. The views which Mr. WAKEFIELD has taken of Retrenchment would be deserving of attention at any time. They are more pe- culiarly entitle:1 to consideration now, when two powerful parties are at issue upon the subject of saving,—the People, bent upon having as large a reduction as possible, withoutcaring much how, or in what direction it is effected; the Ministry and their sup- porters, resolved, like all persons in their situations, to give as little as possible, and predetermined to retrench in such a manner as shall leave their patronage as intact as may be. Some savings, no doubt, will be forced upon them : let both the Representatives and the People look not only t, the what, but to the how in the ar- ticle of retrenchment.
It will be seen from our extract, that the book is written with a pamphleteering vigour; but it wants somewhat of that sustained strength which is desiderated in a long work. In the matter itself there is at tunes a want of deutiled knowledge, and a disposition to generalize without sufficient data. In shun, Expenditure apart from Taxation is the work of vigorous ability, directing its attention for a short period to a new study; not the production of a teeming mind, thoroughly versed in its subject, and pouring forth its knowledge and its impressions because they cannot be restrained. -
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