Debates an Vrocccbings iI Vatliantent.

Tun Rix: otee Y.

Lord MELBOURNE, on Monday, announced a message from the Queen ; which the Loon) CHANCELLOR read to the Peers- " Victoria IL.

The uncertainty of human life, and a deep sense of duty to my people,

render it incumbent on me to recommend to your consideration a contingency that may hereafter take place, and to make such provision as may in any event secure the exercise of the Royal authority. I shall be prepared to concur with you in such measures as May appear best calculated to maintain, unimpaired, the power and dignity of the Throne, and thereby to strengthen those securi- ties that protect the rights and liberties of my people." It was ordered that the message be taken into consideration next day. In the House of Commons, Lord JOHN RUSSELL appeared at the bar with the same message ; which the SPEAKER read to the Commons. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said it was intended to introduce a bill into the other House of Parliament, founded on the message which had just been read ; but as it would not appear respectful to delay the acknow- ledgment of her Majesty's gracious message until the bill came down from the Lords, he should at once move an address to the Queen, to assure her Majesty that the House would concur in a measure of the kind intimated in the message.

An address, moved by Lord Joust Ressma., was accordingly agreed to.

On Thursday, the LORI) CHANCELLOR introduced the Regency Bill into the House of Lords. The great importance of the measure, he ob- served, justified a departure from the general practice of their Lordships' House, which was to postpone even a statement of the contents of a bill until it came to a second reading. He was anxious that the House should be made acquainted whim the provisions of this bill before it was put into their hands. In the first place, however, he would call atten- tion to the provision made immediately before her Majesty's accession, for the contingency that the King of Hanover might become, during his residence in his dominions abroad, the Sovereign of these realms. Pro- vision was then made for securing the succession to that illustrious person. It was for a different contingency—one which their Lordships would be most unwilling to contemplate, and which would not occur if the prayers of the nation were heard—that the Legislature bad now to provide. The heir of the Throne, apparent or presumptive, might be an infant of tender years; and it was the duty of Parliament to take care, that in such an event, the powers and prerogatives of the Crown should be efficiently exercised. The first question which occurred was, to whom should be confided the important post of exercising the Royal powers during the Sovereign's infancy ? It was a satisfaction to have to refer to the Act passed in 1830, under very similar circumstances, with the unanimous approbation of both Houses. By that Act, her Majesty's illus- trious mother was appointed sole Regent until her daughter should attain the age of eighteen years. It was then thought that the surviving parent was time most fit guardian of the infant ; and he hoped the House would be of the same opinion still. The powers of the Regent must then be considered ; and he begged their Lordships to bear in mind, that they had not to make provision for a short period during the temporary in- fancy or absence of the Sovereign, but for a number of years, during which it was necessary, in order to maintain the balance of the consti- tution, that the power and authority of the Crown should be fully main- tained and exercised. That power was given to be exercised, and was no larger than the constitution required. It would therefore be most unwise to impose fetters and restrictions on the Regent ; whose per- sonal weight must, from his position, be less than that of a monarch reigning in his own right. One species of restriction, however, ought to be imposed : the Regent would not he empowered to assent to any act altering the succession of the Crown, or the laws which relate to -uniformity of worship in the Church of England, or the rights of the Church of Scotland. Having now stated the principal provisions of' the bill, he concluded by expressing a strong hope that it would receive unanimous support.

The bill was brought in, read a first time, and ordered to be read a second tune on Monday ; all without a word of remark from any Peer besides the Lord Chancellor.

by Lord Mermounsm, on Monday, of the privileges of the House of Commons.

The Duke of WitesitAxeerox rose to declare thut the alterations made The Duke of WELLINGTON then, of course, would not press it.

government, in his opinion, although they could not have had the opinion of

REUNION OF .

and measures ought fairly to have been taken to make known as eartram possible the opinion of her Majesty's Government, and that in the tioi, authoritative and authentic manner, on the subject of that question, vaiti: if it did not originate in the published Report of one of her Majesty's servani was at least considerably excited and fomented by that Report. And it lei therefore peculiarly incumbent on the successor of the noble Lord to state th- • matter aright, in the most authoritative manner. It appeared that some effete

of the Government in Upper Canada had thrown der,- could their offices because ,-

could not support the measure of the Government. Among those was th'e • Solicitor-General. Shortly afterwards there was a contested election; the new Solicitor-General stood as a candidate for the representation or Toronto, openly declaring himself tlivourable to the principle of local resift, sible government. Now he would remind their Lordships, that the Solicitor. General, notwithstanding this explanation of his principles—notwithstandino the publication of the despatch of the 14th October—was retained in his oleo; What, therefore, could he expected under such circumstances—that gentleman' neither resigning his office nor being dismissed—but that local responsible go. vernment should be encouraged in Canada ?

Lord ELLENBOROUGII concurred with the Duke of Wellington.

Lord MELBOURNE expressed his regret that the Duke of Wellington should have thought it necessary to repeat his censure of the Governor. General— It was a serious question, when an opinion which was considered by tie Government to be erroneous had possession of the popular mind, how to meet and deal with that opinion. Sometimes it was wise end prudent to stem aii4 Ike it, and sometimes it was thought wise and prudent to let it pass eves Which of those courses it was best to take, depended upon the state of popular feeling and opinion—whether it was dying away, or likely to be permanent, Now the Governor-General, using his discretion, and taking into consideration the state of popular feeling in the Canadas, thought it not wise and mudent to publish that despatch. But it is well known in Canadasthat the optimism in this country and of the Government wont opposed to the system of local and responsible government. Ilia noble friend had stated last session his adherence to the opinion which he had formerly entertained ; and it could not have been for the purpose, therefore, of concealing that opinion, or of conciliating those who were the advocates of what they termed responsible government, that the Governor-General had not thought fit to publish that despatch, but been*, upon a fair exercise of his discretion, he did not conceive it wise or prudent lo to do, and he, until he should see the contrary proved, was certainly dispoeel to acquiesce in the propriety of that decision. The noble Duke had adverted to the conduct of certain officers of the Governinent ; of which, however,he was sure that the noble Duke had received very incorrect accounts. He bid been told that an Attorney-General had resigned, and the Solieitor-Gened had been offered the vacant office ; but he was assured that the offer was ae companied by that despatch of Lord :John Russell relating to responsible go. vernment, and that the gentleman stated he concurred in the opinions expressed in the despatch ; and all he required was, that the government should be ail- ministered upon the principles contained in that despatch, and in accordance with the feelings and wishes of the community. Ile was not aware that any thing was contained in any election-speech at variance with that statement. The Duke Of WELLINGTON proceeded to read extracts from a speech delivered, he said, by the Solicitor-General ; when Lord 3Ieramounst corrected him, and said the speech was the Attorney-General's. Lord ELLENnonounn repeated the charge that Governor-General Thomson load not published the despatch of the 14th of October, and that he had made Mr. Baldwin Solicitor-General.

Lord RIPON said, that if the Solicitor-General had used the language imputed to him, and Ministers did not call upon hint to resign, they would betray their trust and expose the Colonies to imminent peril. Lord Bitotromtai said, that when that separation really occurred, which sooner or later must take place, and which he, -with his peculiar opinions, should not regret to see take place much sooner than any noble Lord except one on either side of that House, it would occur in consequence of the manner in which this measure had been carried, under circumstances which would be most hurtful—namely, that both parties would separate in ill blood. Ile was sorry to say that, after having attended to the arguments and evidence on both sides, in that controversy which had arisen with respect to the suppression of the despatch of the 14th October, his opinion was, that if the Province had been led into error as to the opinion of her Majesty's Government at home as to the question of responsible government ;it was not much to be wondered at.

Lord MoLuountets stated, that Mr. Baldwin, before accepting office, load declared that he understood the words "responsible government" precisely in the sense in which they were mused in Lord John Russell's despatch, and that Ito did not wish for responsible government in the sense which had been put upon it by the noble Duke. Whether that gentleman might have acted wisely or discreetly was another question, and upon that there might be a difference of opinion. His noble friend, with those great and powerful -talents which distinguished him, thought it always better to stem and break the current of popular feeling, when in error. Now he, in a manner more suitable to his own bumbler talents, was sometimes for letting it slip by. It depended upon circum- stances and the result, which of the two courses should be adopted. Lord BROUGHAM more than doubted whether the publication of the despatch of' the 14th October, removing all erroneous impressions as to the opinions of time Govermnent at home, would not have greatly altered the opinion in the Upper Province with respect to the Union. He understood the despatch of the leth October, taken without connexion with the other, as tending to make the people believe that the Ministers were favourable to responsible government.

The bill was read a third time. On the motion that it do pass,

The third reading of the Canada Government bill having been moved Lord Miamounsm said, that to insert the proviso would be a breach

Bill passed.

The Duke of WELLINGTON moved the addition of a proviso to the 70th clause, that no money should be paid by the Receiver-General except in discharge of some warrant directed to him under the Go THE CANADAS - vernor's hand and seal. It seemed to be supposedootiehat one of those amendments had the effect of postponing the op

f bill for fifteen months. Now the effect of that -- ti

amendment wastoergaive the Governor-General more power • he being authorized t by her Majesty o fix a day ,within fifteen months, instead of the more limited period of six months, fm which the bill should come into operation. The amendment, therefore, dal not at all prevent the hill coming into operation Rhin six months, or indeed as soon as the Government at home and the Go- ii7ernor-General might think proper to fix.

NORTH AMERICAN BOUNDARY.

On Monday, Sir Roamer PEEL put a question on this subject to Lord Palmerston— Be wished to know when the papers connected with it would he laid upon the table of the House? The noble Lord hail promised to produce them shortly after Easter; but, notwithstanding his positive assurance, they had never yet appeared. It was not a satisfactory auwer to say that fresh papers had- e

he'en received; nor was it a sufficient reason why the first part of the pat)ers should be withheld. Parliament ought not to be allowed to separate without some information on this question.

Lord PALMERSTON said, that the responsibility of tile papers not being produced was his alone. He was anxious to present the papers together

'with the Report of the Commissioners at one and the same time. The papers were now collected, and the Report was nearly ready ; he trusted to be able to produce both in a few days.

Sir ROBERT PEEL--" Will the Report be laid before the House in extols° 1" Lord PALMERSTON-4' Yes." Sir ROBERT PEEL—" Have any new surveyors been sent out since the Report was received?" Lord PALMERSTON replied, that there was one part of the boundary. line which the Conunissioners had not surveyed with that accuracy and minuteness which was desirable. Two other surveyors, therefore, had been lately sent out for the purpose of completing the survey-. He might further state, in reference to the question asked by Sir Robert, that the British Government had sent out to the American Government a proposition containing the draft of a convention for the purpose of appointing Commissioners finally to settle the disputes connected with the Boundary question. Sir ROBERT PEEL-4' Was that proposition founded on the basis of any communication made by the American Government, or was it a new one, which the United States would be perfectly at liberty to reject or accept?" Lord PALMERSTON—" It was founded on the basis of the communi- cation made last year by the American Government."

PUNISHMENT OV HEATH.

On Wednesday, the order of the day having been read for the Com- mittee on Mr. Fitzroy Kelly's Bill,

The ATTORNEY-GENERAL rose to express his hope, that in compli- ance with his entreaty on a former occasion, Mr. Kelly would not press his bill this session. Not a year had yet elapsed since measures had come into full operation, by which the cases to which the punishment of death applied had been reduced from two hundred to fourteen. They ought to proceed with caution as well as zeal towards the object they had in view. The present bill was confined to England ; and:there was no time to carry similar measures for Scotland and Ireland, although the law ought to be the same in the Three Kingdoms. But there were ob- jections to the present bill. It was imperfect : the offence of coun- terfeiting and Ibrging stamps was a capital felony., and the bill did not

abolish the punishment of death for that crime. want of lime for mature consideration was the cause of that omission. What sort of le- gislation was that which abolished the punishment of death in a dozen cases, lumping them all together, and substituting transportation for va. rious terms? That was not the course adopted by Lord John Russell in the bills he had introduced to mitigate the severity of the criminal code. He bad substituted a specific punishment for each offence re- moved from the catalogue of capital crimes. Why was this subject taken out of Lord John Russell's hands? His noble friend had not waxed cold in the cause. Had the Judges, he would ask, been con- sulted by Mr. Kelly ? It was utterly impossible that their opinions could now be collected, for they were on the circuit. Would such a bill as this pass the House of Lords without discussion ? Was Mr. Kelly prepared to say that the objection of a noble and learned Judge to the remission of the punishment of death for a certain offence was removed ? Ile thought, under all the circumstances, Mr. Kelly would best promote the object he had in view—not the gratification of personal vanity, but the amelioration of the criminal code—by postponing his measure till next session.

Mr. Frrzaor Kui,tv reminded Sir John Campbell, that he had not undertaken this measure until he had ascertained that Lord John Rus- sell had no intention of introducing a similar one. He had applied to Mr. Ewart and to Dr. Lushington to bring the subject before the House, and both declined. Not till then did lie determine to introduce a bill himself. The Attorney-Gonerars observations were not in place : they went to the rejection of a measure which the Under Secretary of Slate permitted to be read a second time. It was now for the House to examine the details in Committee. With regard to Ireland, he had ascer- tained that the majority of the Members from that country desired to have a similar bill ; and he had framed one, which was now ready, and he hoped would be read a first time the next day. Another bill tbr Scotland had been prepared; he should submit it the next day to the Lord Advocate, and with that learned person's assistance it might be carried this session. No doubt, his bill gave considerable discretion to the Judges as to the length and severity of the punishment to be sub- stituted for the punishment of death, yet not snore latitude than they DOW might exercise in cases of felony not ponishable with death. As to the opinion of the Judges, he had not thought it proper to hold any communication with them, except in common conversation—especially as they were about to go the circuit, when the knowledge that a bill abolishing the punishment of death in certain cases was to be intro- duced, might hamper them in the administration of the existing law, as counsel for prisoners would perhaps take advantage of that knowledge. The omission respecting the forgery of stamps occurred per ineuriant; and he presumed it was for the same reason that that offence was not included in Lord John Russell's bill of 1937. Should his bill pass, he

could safely say that the Judges as a body would be the last to complain of it,

Lord JOHN Russnia, had never intended to oppose the principle of the bill, and would nut now put a negative on the motion for going into Committee; though in his opinion Mr. Kelly acted unadvisedly in pressing his measure until the Legislature had tUrther experience of the working of the bills of 18:17.

'rise Itouse went into Committee, and all the clauses were agreed to, after two divisions; the first on the clause abolishing the punishment of death for setting on lire or destroying the King's ships, which was retained by a vote of 40 to 30; the second on the question of making rape a capital offioice, when the negative was sustained by 50 to 25. Lord JOHN Rossi:it. gave notice of further opposition to the bill on the bringing up of the report and on the third reading.

SUNDAY AMUSEMENTS AND INSTRUCTION.

On Tuesday, Mr. He or. moved an address to the Queen, praying her Majesty to direct the Trustees of the British 'Museum and of the National Gallery to open those places to the public: after divine service on Sundays, at such hours as taverns, beer-shops, and gin-shops are now legally Open. Mr. Hume said his object u :is to improve the moral and religious character of the people. Let .Members consider the manner in Which Sunday was now generally spent by the humbler classes— 'Pile higher classes laad the Zoological Gardens, and other places of pleasant and instructive recreation to resort to; but the hound ITT working man, after a week Millard roil, after labouring from 3Ionday morning till Saturday night to a degree unequi.11ed in any other part of the world, hail kw other places to resort to on the Sunday except the puhlic-house. One of the first objects of a wise Legislature ought to lw, to provide places of innocent, healthful, and in- structive recreation for the mass of the community—for those who during the greater part by far of their lives were condemned to cant their bread by the sweat of their hrows. They ought to be provided not only with the means of taking himithful exercise of the body, lint they ought also to be provided with the IIICIMS of obtaining wholesome mental instruction. At present, any per- son who took the trouble of walking through the suburbs of the Metropolis, would find a publie-liouse at the corner of every street crowded with the humbler classes ; who spent thus, in the unwholesome atmosphere of the gin-shop, not only their property but their health. Surely if there were any mode of re- medying these evils in even a slight degree, the remedy ought to be adopted.

By the existing law, houses for the sale of fermented liquors were not to be opened before one o'clock on Sunday ; and all he asked was, that the British .)luseum and the National Gallery, places so well qua- lified to afford amusement and instruction, should be opened at the time the public-houses were allowed to be opened—

Why, he \mold ask, did it happen that in Englanml less attention was paid. to the wants of the working classes than in any other coanitry in the world? There was scarcely a large town on the Continent in which places of amuse- meat and instruction were not opened grattuitanasly to the public during a por- tion of the Sunday. S., IreI■ it was time that siach an example should be fol-

lowed in this country. Ii I 1 tlie want of places of rational instruction and amusement, the people, as he said befiire, were now driven to the poldie- house ; and the result, as proved by the returns made by the Metropolitan. l'oliee, was, that during the first live montk of the year IS38, not less than 2,380 persons win., arrested het ween the hours of twelve o'clock on Saturday night and twelve o.tdock on Sunday night, for drunkenness. In 1839, for the same period, the 1111111■,21S Wt:I'C 2,220 ; and in I S III, the bombers were 1,320, lint, looking at the return for the whole of those years, he found that the aggregate nu tolwr of drunken persons arrested on Snottily was greater than on :11,3. other day in the week. Ile thought that the opening of places of 'moo- rent amusement on 11:u Sunday would lieep people out of the public-house; and he had theretitre a perfect eonvictima that los »lotion, if agreed to, would. be .productive. benefit to the morals of the people—would tend to improve their rehi4iomus laabit9, :lid would tend to make them in every way better men. Ile hail received a letter from a working men, in whieli, after expressing ft hope that the House would agree to his motion, he suggested that the opening co

St. Paul's Cathedral, of Westminster Abbey, and of I 'rower, Oil Sumlitya, would be most conducive to the health and entertainment of the working classes.

He would inform the House of what had been the result of a partial opening of places of amusement on Sundays--

The vo.iters to the Ilritish Muslim, since the alterations in the hours of 'keeping that place open, 11111 increased front 3110,000 to rot y sit I, 'rile visitcru to tile Nati011al (LWOW had itierea,ed to 3P,;,,sol. The vhdter; to the Tower had increased front 14100 to .12,000 ; atul when the entrance-1...e was redneed to sixpence the number had increased to 70,001. The visitors to Hampton Court, sitive it had been opLited tO 1,:1‘..14: on Sundays, had increased ten- fold. Let them open the ,tilter public places he had enumerated on the Sun- days, after the hours of divine SA'N'1,1', StIll he would undertake to say that the public houses would lie in a gem II degr,'L, empty, and the coinlints and lutppi- 'less of the people iimild be greatly inereased.

The country Inol contributed lorg,ely to these exhibitions, and he thought that the working-classes ought to have a share in pleasures so highly prized by the classes above them.

iMr. HAMILTON seconded the motion—the commencement of the best Sabbath-bill that hail !icon brought bef/are the I louse, Sir ROBERT INGLIs bait expected to hear the opinion of Government on this motion. Ile hod expected a deelaration of their intention, as representing the great interests of reii2ion, to interpose between the motion and its success. He would now pi ye his own opinion of the mot ion—

If there was one part of it which Itiol Lue than :mother, it was the

delusion under which 7:1r. Hume laiiiiiir. r,tr, F..• iltol that the object and tendency of his motion were u mound,. th, r. • .• :aloe-As of the peo- ple. Ile belies, ci that the t,iu'iciii iteoe,•t of 11:- 1.,,,t hut would be to vio- late what Mc, flume would call the prejudie.,, ,s1 L.1 he called the con-

scientious convistion, of the great body of I he I i 1,.,.■ respect to the

sanctity of the Sahli:ult. 'Mr. Hume said Brit is, issi s to desecrate the Sabbath ; and he said that there was auniiiiig u CI it opening the

exhibitions alluded to for the anniseoletuI. and instruL.1 of ti: people attiring the time that was not set apart for divine rervice. ,,,sittnett that on

one clay out of seven there was a part of it holy and silt of IL Win not ;

but where woadil he timid iii S.•ripture supp,,rt Ihr Ho 11 an assumption ?

Although the present motion was eimlitica to the mcju. Iii. of the National Gal- lery and 3Inseum, yet if they aArred to it, all the othra- ::::ihitions in London— the Tower, thr instance—uould he opened by such a pr,e,,,lent having been CS.-

illb11511Cd. 1.11ete. Wai some appearance of le',0111I1 certain persons

to work on the Sunday, whereby the labour a 11115 Id others MIS pre- vented on that day; tut in the 1crL,•111. case II,Ly wot.1,1 vall upon the servants of the National Gallery to attend, not for th ii 'moo:X saving many others from working on the Lord's Day, but 6ultly tor the purpose of ministering to their pleasures. NVere the itouse, then, protared to ask her Majesty to sanc- tion for the first time, what lie believed, and what a great number of the people believed, to be a desecration of the Sabbath: By opening the doors of such

public institutions for a greater number of hours, they did not necessarily secure a greater number of visiters. He could refer to various returns to prove this; but the question was not whether more or less entered on a Sunday than on any other day, but whether a system shouldbe commenced by which the Lord's Day was regarded as a common day, and by which in respect of the public amusements no difference was made between Sunday and Monday. He should give a direct negative to the motion.

Mr. WinounToN observed, that .very few persons scrupled to visit the private galleries of their friends on Sundays. The poorer classes had no opportunities of that sort ; and it was unfair to permit such en- joyments to the rich and deny them to the poor. The other day, a motion to close the Zoological Gardens on Sundays was negatived by a large majority of shareholder's. It had never been the practice in this country to observe the Sabbath with the degree of strictness which Sir Robert Inglis would enforce— It was well known to all, that during the reign of George the Third, one of the most religious monarchs that ever sat on the throne, the terrace at Windsor Castle was the resort of many hundreds of visiters on a Sunday. There, on that day, the King, surrounded by members of his family, usually paraded, while a military band of music played every Sunday. bow, whether would such o parade or a visit to the British Museum, in which so ninny wonders of nature were exhibited, he most likely to raise a religious feeling in the spectator ? He said that the parade was less likely to do this; and therefore he thought that the admittance of the public to the institutions alluded to would be more desirable than attendance at the parade. Sir Robert Inglis said that if they opened the National Gallery and the British Museum, the servants of these Institutions would lose a portion of their Sundays : but what did he say to the hundreds of thousands tit people who were out in London on a Sunday, and to the necessity of their hams, a larger police force on that day ? According to Sir Robert Inglis, they ought in consequence to lock up all the people on &In- sley. lie thought that if they opened these institutions to the public between the hours of divine service, it would tend to cheek vice, and be much more likely to raieearcli,ious feeling in the people when they did visit the church. At any rate, it was ihr more to be desired than that they should be forced to spend their time in the beer-houses, in the midst of smoking and riotous con- versation—places in which too many of them were too often to he found.

Mr. Gotninsunrs thought, that so far from securing abetter observance of the Sabbath, the success of the motion would produce, though not perhaps immediately, the desecration of a day which every religious man wished to keep sacred— It was the commencement of a recognition on the part of the House of Commons, that places of amusement were to be opened on the Sabbath-day; and if they consented to it in the present instance, they might ultimately come to see every place of amusement opened on that day to the public. Mr. Warburton said that those who were opposed to the motion were not consistent in their opposition ; he said that the rirli drove in their carriages on Sunday, and that therefore they were bound to consent to the desecration of that day to the utmost possible degree. That was an old argument. De thought it ought not to be so used ; hut it rather ought to be said, if they deviated from the strict observance of that day, they ought at once to reform it.

It was assumed that as the number of visiters to places of public amusement increased, the consumption of spirituous liquors 'was dimi- nished : hut what were the facts ?—

In 1825 when the number of visiters to the British Museum was 79,000, the quantity of spirits consumed was 17!: millions of gallons; and in 1839, when the nullities of visiters was 383,0011, the consumption of spirits Was 29 millions of gallons. Mr. Humes argument, therefore, was good for nothing as showing the effect of opening these places of amusement in diminishing habits of drunkenness. On the contrary, these statistical filets proved, that in propor- tion as facilities had been afforded, even on lawful days, to the public to visit these places, drunkenness had increased. The argument theretbre would be, that so far from diminishing drunkenness by opening the British Museum on an unlawful day—the n:abbath—it would contribute to the increase of that vice. The principle on which the Legislature sanctioned the opening of public-houses on Sundays, was very distinct from any which could be made to apply to places of mere amusement— The principle, and the only principle upon which the Legislature sanctioned the opening of public-houses on a Sunday, was that it was necessary that the people should have the opportunity of obtaining those articles that were essen- tial to support life. If this sanction was nbusCd, it was only owing to the im- perfection of human legislation. But amusement of a certain description was not essentially necessary to life ; and the Legislature had no right to hold out to the public that amusements of this kind were a part of the lawful business of the Sabbath. The recognition of such a principle would be fatal both to the character of the country and to the happiness of its people. Ile therefore should oppose the motion, as being the tint step towards a most pernicious system of legislation.

Lord Jonx RUSSELL felt great difficulty in discussing the comparative harm or innocence of particular kinds of amusement and places of 'recreation. If this motion were adopted, on the principle which Mr. Warburton advocated, he saw no reason why places for the representa- tion of the national drama might not be opened. It would be difficult to prove that such exhibitions -,-ere more pernicious than those of the National Gallery and the British Museum. Where could they stop? Whatever was not considered vicious in the week-day might be per- mitted on the Sabbath, until at last no difference could be made in the observance of Sunday from that of any other day. At the same time, he did not maintain that the present practice in respect of Smulay recreation was consistent with the rule of' observing the Sabbath. His main objection to the present motion was, that it would lay the founda- tion for similar motions in future. Mr. liunie's object was highly com- mendable, and throughout tine country would meet with tine concurrence of enlightened class,es ; but then it would he said, " We fear, in attempt- ing to attain that object, you will be guilty of a desecration of the Sab- bath." Ile therefore thought it letter not to interfere with the gradual progress of improvement among the working classes, now visible in this country. Mr. I lunne's motion was rather singularly worded— lie started the British Museum and the Nntional Gallery against the licensed victuallers! Now, supposing the I lollW ',honk' have no objection ith regard to the principle andtendeney of the motion, he wits not quite sore, inn point of fact, whether, if a greater number of people milled the British Mu- seum—after going through all the rooms—the liven,ed victuallers would not find some advantage in idaeing very near the doer', of the Museum their esta-

blishments. And; as it was very much the enstom of this country, when there was an exhibition, and the people unlade a holyday of it, as they called it, that

after seeing the sight they went to swine ; 1:ICV it entertainment where refresh- ments might be bad, Inc was not quite sole that, instead of starting these exhi- bitions against the licensed victuallers and the gin .shops, the proprietors of those places would not find that thsy were getting a good deal inore custom on a Sunday than they had betbre. Mr. AOL1ONDY could not concur in Lord John Russell's argurn; It was apprehended that the success of the motion would have a remot and indirect tendency to introduce other amusements on the Sabbath and thus ultimately assimilate that day to other days in the week— No doubt, to the extent of opening the British Museum and National Cal. lery, this would have such a tendency ; but it would be in the smallest possible point. But the noble Lord went further, and said, " I have no objection to the motion in itself, but I object to it because it may hereafter be urgedk favour of some other proposition—for admitting of some further amusement on the Sabbath. And why should it not ? Why should not each case rest upon its own merits? Ile would not relax any regulation where the relaxation of it would be improper; but he could not go the length which Lord deka Russell had done, and say, " I admit that the opening of the British Museum on the Sunday is not wrong in itself, but I oppose such an arrangement be. MSC it may by possibility have a very remote tendency to the adoption of other arrangements that may be in themselves wrong." Lord John, therefore

i , would not go step by step, and allow each ease to rest upon its own merits.

He really thought Lord John Russell's argument unsound; and he there. fore called upon him, if he saw nothing wrong in the motion, to agree to it, and that if at any future time any other proposition should be made that was wrong, then he was at perfect liberty to oppose it.

Mr. MENTZ could see no difference between visits to the Zoological Gardens and the British Museum— In the one case they saw the images of animals, and in the other they saw the animals themselves. They. question seemed to him to be this—whether, if this proposition were adopted, those who now went to places of public worship would be drawn from them to go to the British Museum. Ile thought not; but he thought that many of those persons who never went to church or chapel, but resorted to places from which they had much better keep away, would-, if it were open to them, go to the British Museum, and be thereby improved in their tastes and habits.

The House divided— For the motion 44

Against it 82 Majority 38 PAYMENTS TO DR. DOWRING.

011 Monday, the House being in a Committee of Supply, and Mr, Rounntse Gonnox having moved that the suns of 70,0001. be granted on account of' the Civil Contingencies,

Colonel SIBT11011111 moved to deduct from that sum 3,579/. 7s. 10d., being the amount proposed to be granted to Dr. Bowring for services said to have been performed by him during a period of two years six months and five days. Ile wished Lord Palmerston would answer some questions— First, what was the amount of practical public odvantage derived from Dr. Bowring's services ? secondly, whether some of that gentleman's Reports had not beets sent fortis to tbe public in a shape somewhat different from that in which they were drawn up by that learned gentleman himself, both as to omis- sions and additions ? thirdly why the Report on Egypt had not been given to the public ? and fourthly alether there was to be any future charge of this description ? In Colonel 'Sibtliorpe's opinion, this sort of employment ought

not to be bestowed on Members of that House ; as, independently of its with- ,

(halving them frmn their duties to their constituents, it might very probably •

have an undue influence on their public conduct.

Lord PALMERSTON said, the employment of Dr. Bowring had in no way altered his conduct in Parliament, as on various occasions he had voted against the Government. Nor had his employment been detrb mental to Isis constituents, for on each occasion he had been employed during the recess. He considered the selection of Dr. Bowring in all respects unquestionably good— The Government deemed it essential to have information on various cam- mercind and statistical subjects connected with foreign countries; and for this Dr. Bowring was eminently qualified, not merely by his general talents, his peculiarly extensive knowledge of foreign langnages, but from his having turned his especial attention to the subjects on which information was desired. As to the results of Dr. Bowring's employment, there could be no doubt as to the great practical benefit which the public had derived fison the great mass of information contained in that gentleman's Reports and their appendixes. The whole of that information was of the highest value to all persons in any way interested in commerce. As to the publication of the Reports themselves, that omm Pru.s.sia had been sent forth precisely an it was drawn up by Dr. Bowring. With respect to the Report on Syria, it hat been some time inn Dr. Bowring's bands, in order that he might snipe' intend the minding of it. Ile bad looked over that Report, and Inc had struck out one or two trifling passages of it political ten- dency, unconnected with the commercial matter to which Dr. Bowring's atten- tion was directed ; but these omissions had not in any way altered the value of the Report in is commercial point of view. This Report, he hoped, would soon lie printed and laid on the table. He thought he had now said enough to show that Dr. Bowring lmd performed the duties upon which he had been employed ably and effectively, and that flue slums which had been expended upon hun were not more than an adequate remuneration for his services.

Colonel SurnioneE could not see why these services were not per- f formed by Consular Agents employed by Government.

Lord PALMERSTON said, Oust extensive travelling was required, and Consuls were hound to one place. And, without wishing to disparage the Consular Agents, lie thotn.11it it would be difficult to select from among them any person as well qualified for the services required, by habits of mind and previous attainments, as Dr. Bowring.

Mr. GouLnunN admired Lord Palmerston's dexterity in passing over the real gist of the question, and raising a discussion on Dr. Bowring's merits. The point to which he would call attention was of a general and constitutional nature— It appeared that Dr. Bowring, had been paid, in the course of nine years, I LUSO/ for public services ; and it 'would appear Irani the papers 110W be- fore the Committee, that, whilst sitting as a Member of that House, that gentleman had been employed ly her Majesty's Government, receiving pecu- niary ullowances in retiwn. Now this fret, as he apprehended, brought the case within the scope of a general principle which every Member of that Muse was bound to notice. De alluded to the provisions of the Act of Anne, by which any Member of that Dous:e accepting ofliee under the Crown, and re- ceiving a salary, was obliged to vacate his scat. This was admitted on all hands to be a very wise mid wholernme enactment, tending materially to gua- rantee the integrity mid i iidependL nee of :limbers of that House. Ile did not mean to say that honourable trilitlettion would change their opinions because they were put into office and iiititt a snlitry ; and the noble Lord had argued, m Dr. Bowring's ease, that that g nnticnuianu hall continued under these chews,- stances to maintain the same opinions he had previously professed. Bat, ma truth, this had nothing to do with the question. The Act of Anne declared that if any Member of this House accepted office and received a sAlaryn he

ould vacate his seat ; and be maintained that if any Member did accept of

an911o ffice under the Crown, and received a salary without vacating his seat, he violated that act of Parliament. But W this were true in regard to offices in general, which were before the world, still more was it so with regard to em- ployments of a more secret nature' and paid out of funds of which the public and this House had no knowledge, and over which they could exercise no control. These employments of Dr. Doing were treated as special services, under the

special directi m

on and eradrolovf the Treasury, and paid not by any specified i sad regular salary, nit i iy all oy ances relying and granted from day to day, just as the Treasury pleased to dole them out ; and in dohsg which, it was quite competent to the Government to give more or less according as the con- duct of the recipient appeared to deserve. Observe, he was not now speaking to this particular case, but generally to the principle which it involved; and he did say, that if Parliament recognized and sanctioned the proceedings which appeared to have taken place in this case, they would be opening wide the door for corruption, and laiing.the constitution open to that danger which it had been the Intention of 'arhament to guard against. (Opposiiimt cheers.) He would call particular attention to the payment made to Dr. Bow- ring for the Report on Switzerland—

The House would recollect, perhaps, that in the year 1837, when the Ordnance

Estimates were under consideration, he had made an observation in reference to one of the Reports of Dr. Bowring, on the subject, if he recollected rightly, of Switzerland; and he then said, that if Dr. Bowring was receiving pay- ment for his services on that work, the point to which he then referred ought not to be lightly passed over. On that occasion, the then Chancellor of the Exchequer gave him an assurance which he would now read to the Com- mittee,—namely, that " with respect to remuneration, he could :arm that no sum of money had been received for this Report by the honourable Member, nor would any stun be received by him for It." (Opposition cheers.) This was the distinct assurance given him by Mr. Spring Rice, the then Chancellor of the Exchequer, that his suspicions on this subject were entirely groundless. But what happened? In August 1837, Parliament was dissolved ; and shortly afterwards it appeared by these papers, that Dr. Bowring was specially remu- nerated for this very Report with the sum of WO/. He might he told that this payment was made, not out of the Special Seuvices fund, but under the Contin- gencies of the ensuing year. But here again there was still concealment. The vote was thus entered amongst the Civil Contingencies—" Paid to Mr. Macgregor and Dr. Doming, (who were known to have perforated certain ser- vices abroad,) 3,8261." Now, who would have suspected that this sum included the 600/. paid to Dr. Bowring far this very Report, if his honourable friend had not ascertained this to be the fact, by moving for a most minute specification of the amounts? Upon reviewing all these circumstances, it could not but be considered, notwithstanding the assurance of the then Chancellor of the Exche- quer, which he had read to the House, that this suns of money was paid to Dr. Bowriug in fulfilment of a pledge peviously given to hins by her Majesty's Government. The whole case, therefbre, appeared to involve so much con- cealment, and to be so pregnant with danger to the constitution of this House, that he thought the House was bound to take marked notice of it ; and with this feeling he should undoubtedly give his cordid support to the motion of his houourable friend.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER Cited the cases of Sir Henry Parnell, who as Chairman of the Excise Commission, of Mr. Black- borne, who as Corporation Commissioner, and of Mr. Fraukland Lewis, who as Education Commissioner, had all received payments attached to their several appointments whilst Members of the House of Commons. As for Dr. Bowring, the present Ministers found him in the public employment, and had continued him. There had been no concealment whatever in regard to his remuneration.

Mr. DISRAELI disagreed from Lord Pahnerston's estimate of the value of Dr. Bowring's Reports. He showed by reference to their contents, that very large portions of them consisted of documents furnished by British diplomatic agents, or the ministers of foreign powers. The really valuable portion of his Report was not contributed by Dr. Bow- ring himself.

Mr. LABOUCHERn had had opportunities of witnessing the zeal and ability with which Dr. Bowling discharged his duties. his Reports contained a great deal of most valuable information on subjects of the very greatest importance. Particularly with respect to the Germanic Commercial Union, Dr. Bowing had performed his task—no easy one— with zeal, ability, and discretion. In employing special commissioners for special services, in countries where diplomatic agents resided, the practice of the United States, France, and Russia, was the same as that adopted by the British Government.

Mr. Ii WISE thought that with reference to the value of his services, Dr. Bowring had been most miserably rewarded.

Mr. Ilaanurost was surprised to hear Mr. HUMC speak of a 3s. per day and 2s. per mile for travelling expenses as a miserable remuneration.

Sir RoBERT PEEL said, that Consular Agents were paid at the rate of 230/. per annum ; yet, in addition to a salary, Dr. Bowring receivusl 3/. 3s. a day and 28. a mile extra for expenses ; and that Mr. immune called a miserable remuneration

Mr. HustE—" There is no salary."

Sir ROBERT PEEL—" Well, in addition, a payment of tmother sort." Had he employed a Member of Parliament during the recess on a special mission, and contracted to pay him the sum Dr. Bowring had received, Mr. Hume would have denounced the transaction as unconstitutional, and not raised an objection to the inadequacy of the pay. Ile woull not enter upon the question of Dr. Bowring's merits, but he condemned the tendency of the practice. If Government were justified in making one such appointment, they might make many others. Had he acted like the present Ministers, Mr. I fume would not have supported him- " Nun ep) hoe ferrem maul liii juventi

eonsule plimeo."

Mrsiusts: said, that if Sir Robert Peel again took his seat on the Ministerial side of the House, he would find him just as ready as ever —[Vehement cheers and laughter from Opposition Members drowned the conclusion of Mr. Hume's sentence.]

Lord dons: essissi, fully admitted, that the practice of employing Members of Parliament and remuneratiog them in the manner Dr. Bowring had been employed and paid, inigra become most objectionable if frequently resorted to ; but he thought particular occasions arose when it might be advantageous to the public interest ; and on that ground he justified the proposed remuneration to Dr. Bowriog. Ile did not think the acceptance of a temporary employment, to which no regular salary was attached, came within the scope of the statute of Queen Anne.

Mr. VILLIERS said, that agents for conunereial purposes were neces- sary in consequence of the inefficiency of the persons regularly em-

ployed in the capacity of Ambassadors and Consuls. The opposition ° was not prompted so much by love of economy as by personal feelings against Dr. Bowring.

On a division, the Committee agreed to the vote, by a majority of 98 to 66.

LABOUR FOR COLONIES.

Mr. MACKINNON, on Tuesday, moved for a*Select Committee " to in- vestigate if it be in accordance with liumanity, justice, and good policy, to sanction by legislative enactments, the humigration of labourers from the East Indies and other parts of the world, into the Colonies and possessions of Great Britain." He reeTetted that this subject had not fallen into abler bands than his. He had solicited Sir James Graham and Mrs William Gladstone to take it up ; but partieular circumstances prevented those Members from complying with his request. It only remained, then, to. bring it forward himself: and in doing so, lie disclaimed all party; feeling, or intention to annoy or embarrass the Government. The motion deserved the attention of the House from its intrinsic import- ance, and from the interest it had excited in the public mind. He did not approve of the manner in which Lord John Russell had introduced. a motion of similar import, but limited in extent, being confined to the Mauritius, as a rider to his ( 7olonial Passengers Bill. Mr. Mackinnon proceeded to argue in favour of his own motion—

If the House thought by acceding to it that the slave-trade would be re-

stored—if they thought the twenty millions idready expended would be ren- dered an useless expenditure, and that the hill Coolies would be reduced to a state of slavery—then let the House reject the motion ; but if, on the con- trary, they thought that by admitting the importation of Indian labourers to the Colonies they benefited these labourers, amid if time House were convinced. that by so doing they improved the colonies into whieh these labourers were im- ported—if the House thought that they benefited the owners of the land in these colonies, and that they contributed to the prosperity of this great em- lire—he thought that the question 'illicit he submitted should he considered with all the attention Nu Well Was due to its v1,,t importance. Ilow was the House to come to this great result, withoat having an opportunity of taking a deliberate view of the subject ?—unless it heard both sides or the question, and formed its opinions in accordance with the evidi-iier. adduced ? Had the mem- bers of the Colonial Office that ample, extensive, and accurate information which would enable the Housa arid the country to form an adequate opinion and judgment upon the subject Cuuld tIsty satisfy the piddle mind that such a measure should he accepted or rejecteti ? In his opinion, they possessed no such information, nor had they the means or satisIN Mg the public mind upon so important a question. The only course the *Coionial Office should adopt, was to lay the whole evidence in their posses, ion liebtre the House in a Committee of inquiry such as hi: proposed, mid it that CN ;dunce, being the re- port of the Committee, circulate throughout the country. Colonial Secretaries differed in their opinion of immigration. Lord Normanby had expressed himself entirely opposed to immigration ; holding opinions precisely the reverse of his predecessor's— He would ask how it wits possible for the I louse or the country to form a just opinion when such incongrnous sentiments were expressed by those who had ample opportunities or furnishing themselves Ai ith facts ? In five pages of the correspondence of the Governor, there wure strong opinions given in favour of immigration, and in five imps more there were opinions delivered entirely opposed to immigration. In fact, tbe Whale Was one lansregeneous mass of conflicting opinions; and the only reimal.:: mill be applital was the appointment of a committee to invest igate the snljeet, ithich iniolved the

interests of thousands connected with I mid the Alaurititi. On one oc-

casion he had spnhva to Lord John upon the stilij..et mativr of this

motion; when the noble Ltml that the r mo

delay to the question which was then being presented to the House. As Lord John Russell had been thwarted in that illation, he ought to accede to that which Mr. Mackinnon was then about to make.

Lord SANDON seconded the motion.

Mr. VERNON SMITH remarked, that the attendance of Members was very thin, and the period of the session far id‘T.need : and he did not think that the motion was put in a fornu which would justify the lionse in entertaining it. Mr. Mackinnon had not stated whether he intended to confuse the imptiry to particular colonies, or to extend it over the entire Colonial empire. It was said that the Colonial Onice had not

the requisite in or the means of &sea; sing it : but surely the means were more within reach of the utliee than of a Com- mittee of the Ifouse Con: loons. The -.1'jeet was of paramount'im- portanee, and was begimmimimie to awal.e:1 the of the couniry:: he

wished it had done so earlier. Lerd oho U usst. 11 hail sanctioned. immigration, and at the present thee much us as tieing in the way of emigration to the West ladies— The object of the motion could not be to ',Male s nenittse daring the present session, and, without phaLing the Governinein to the emir,: it would pursue in the ensuing session, it would iimfiiruum Mr. :1.1avkilinon that it was not necessary to excite the atteotion of the Colonial ()thee iipm the subject. They would continue ii time comm3e they were puisiling, and devote all their- attention, steadily, hut cautiously, to the pro;zre:i.s of this important matter. Lord SANS ION l'ee011111Ieil■hd I :et ion 19 the colltliColl of the eman- cipated. Negroes and those rs • . I ha ro slavers.

new-born anxiety displayed by

Mr. CHARLEs lh 1‘, atone fn. i:s'oury they had

the et/11842r vat ives .

done the Iptestion at an earli,-;. of the sei: The result of what had been done in time lid been the erection of a market for slave-grown sugar.

Mr. Waneumats said, that if the emier.sion of 11111 Coolies were desirable, it could iii it his sanetioned witStait the concurrence of that large portion of the iii pie who took p.m Ii olitaii:ing the abolition of slavery-- The emigration proposed earlier in the session was to the Mauritius—the most unpromising for the experiment of ail I heir colonies, mei thersfitre it was not supported. But if the expurissatt were to Lc tried, let it b. tried in a colony more titvourable to the ,I1CCVSS Of such an expel uucmt ; for example, British Guiana. If the Government W.Te to pros ide a .miiply of labour, great care should be taken to avoid any thing like johhhig.

Mr. Ehhuer rose to speak ; when Mr. Basowtx moved that the Bouse be counted; and only thirty-five Menst.ters being preseut, an adjournment of' the House took place.

Coevuoto EssustscnisumENT BILL, On Tuesday, Lord 131ml:unman withdrew this bill from the House of Lords, with a promise to introduce a similar measure next session.

Lord LvsatnintsT and Lord Illasasitams agreed that the withdrawal was proper at this advanced period of the session. CRACOW.

A. long conversation occurred in the House of Commons, on Mon-

day, on the treatment of Cracow by the parties to the treaty of Vienna, by which the independence of that republic was guaranteed. The sub- sect was brought forward by Sir STRATFORD CANNING; who contended that Lord Palmerston had neglected his duty in permitting the con- tinued occupation of Cracow by Russia, Prussia, and Austria. On the

other hand, Lord Panatansrosi, admitting that the treaty of Vienna had been violated by the three Powers named, found a palliation for their proceedings in the dangerous and excited state of Europe at the close of the last Polish struggle for independence : he assured the House that he had nevertheless protested against them ; and dwelt upon the impolicy of going to war with Russia, Austria, and Prussia, to compel the fulfil- ment by the parties at the Vienna Congress of their engagements to- wards Cracow. The people of this country were not prepared for hos- tilities on such grounds. Though Sir Stratford Canning had laid great stress on the value of Cracovian commerce, Lord Palmerston main- tained that it was not worth much.

After several Members on both sides had expressed strong disappro- bation of the treatment of Cracow, the subject dropped, no motion having been made.

MISCELLANEOUS.

ECCLESIASTICAL DUTIES AND REVENUES BILL. This bill was re- committed on Thursday. Several amendments were made ; the House resumed ; and the third reading was fixed for Monday ; although Mr. ESTCOURT and Sir Bonnier INGLIS begged for postponement, on the ground that it was quite impossible to know what alterations had been made, in consequence of the noise and confusion in the House.

THE COUNTY CONSTA BI LL was read a third time, and passed. THE METROPOLITAN POLICE COURTS BILL went through the Com- mittee.

THE SEDUCTION BILL, introduced by Mr. MitAls, was withdrawn, as there was no chance of carrying it this session.

BANK OF 1 RELA ND. The CHA NCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER obtained leave to bring in a bill to enable him, on giving six months' notice, to repay to the Bank of Ireland the debts now due to that institution, amounting to upwards of two millions and a half, on one million of

• which five per cent. interest was now paid. Until the Committee on :Banking reported, Mr. BAnixo said he could do nothing respecting the Bank of Ireland charter.

THE BISHOP OF CA RLISLE'S ESTATE BILL was read a second time. On the motion for committing it, a discussion ensued; from which it appeared that the object of the bill was to authorize the sale to the Cor • poration of •London of property attached to a Prebendal Stall in St. Paul's, belonging to the Bishop of Carlisle. By the proposed arrange- ment, the property, being under a lease which had twenty-seven years and a half to run, was to be sold for 240,0001.; of which the Bishop was to get 40,0001., the remaining 200,000/. to be placed under the con- trol of the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of London for the purpose of building and endowing new churches. It was admitted that at the termination of the lease the property would be worth 1,200,0001., and the income 47,000/. Mr. THOMAS DENCOMBE said the bill would injuriously affect his constituents, and he moved to post- pone the Committee for three months. Motion lost, by 85 to 21.