foreign anb eolonfal.
FRANCE —A report, dated the 11th instant, by M. Gamier-Pages, the Provisional Minister of Finance, on the financial position of the Republic, has been published. We abstract its important features.
On the 1st of January 1841, the National Debt was 4,267,315,402 francs; cat the 1st of January 1848, it was 5,179,644,730 francs; an increase, by the late Government, of 912,329,328 francs in seven years. " The budgets followed the progression of the debt." Those of 1820 to 1830 amount to 1,014,914,000 francs. The entire of the credits placed at the disposal of the fallen Government to the year 1847 amounts to 1,712,979,639 francs 62 cents. The expenses from 1840 to 1847 inclusive exceeded the receipts by 604,525,000 francs. Thedeck calculated for the year 1348 is 48,000,000 francs. Supplementary and extraordinary credits raise the total of the receipts charge- able against the last Administration to 652,525,000 francs. Public works, undertaken simultaneously at all points to encourage electoral corruption, have raised credits to 1,081,000,000 francs; from which are to be de- ducted, repayments by companies 160,000,000 francs, and produce of the last loan 82,000,000 francs; leaving the total credits at 839,000,000 francs. Of this sum U5,000,000 francs—supplied by the resources of the floating debt—have already been expended. The floating debt has increased, since 1831, from about 250,000,000 francs, to 670,000,000 francs, its amount on the 26th of February last; adding the Govern- ment' Stock belonging to the Savings Banks, (202,00(1,000 francs,) it has swelled to 872;000,000 francs.
In the last 268 days of its existence the fallen Government expended 294,800,000 francs beyond its ordinary resources. These demands were met by Royal Bonds, a loan, and the Savings Banks deposits. From the 12th April 1847 to the 26th February 1848, the bonds issued increased from 86,000,000 francs to 325,000,000 francs. The receipts on account of the loan of November 1847 have been 82,000,000 francs. Of the 855,000,000 francs paid into the hands of the late Government by the Savings Banks, but 60,000,000 francs have reached the Treasury; with the remainder the Government purchased its own stock or shares.
The measures submitted to the Provisional Government are these.
The sinking-fund to be preserved, as a sacred engagement with the public creditor. But the fallen Government has anticipated its reserves: public works must be suspended, or the sinking-fund be satisfied with Treasury bonds in lieu of cash. The latter course will at once secure bread to the unemployed and keep 500,000 francs per diem of specie in the Treasury; it is therefore adopted.
The Treasury Bonds issued on the 24th of February 1848 were for 329,886,000 francs. The taxes are paid with such patriotic promptitude that the redemption' of these bonds as they become doe is assured. The interest on them all, without distinction, is fixed at 5 per cent.
The deeds of the Ex-King's Government had rendered it impossible to keep its engagements with the Savings Banks depositors.. On the 7th of March 1848, the property of the depositors had been distributed thus—in the Treasury at 4 pee Cent, 65,703,620 francs 40 cents; in 5 per Cent Government Stock, 34,106,180 francs 25 cents; in Government 4 per Cent Stock, 202,316,175 francs; in 8 pee Cent Government Stock, 84,084,447 francs 92 cents; in shares of the four Ca- nals, 14,059,120 francs; in shares of the three Canals, 4,818,218 francs 75 cents; making altogether 355,087,717 francs 32 cents. The interest on the Savings Banks deposits has already been raised by decree to 5 per cent. These are the farther measures proposed. 1. Deposits up to 100 francs, to be paid on demand. 2. Those next in amount up to 1,000 francs, thus-100 francs on demand; the remainder half in Treasury Bonds at four menthe, and half in Government Stock at par, and 5 per cent interest on each security. 8. All exceeding 1,000 francs, thus-100 francs on demand; the remainder, half in Treasury Bonds at Oa mouths, and half in Government Stock, with interest as above.
Sinecures are to cease: fewer public servants, but well paid and pursuing a real career, are to be employed. The diamonds of the Crown and the plate found in the Royal residences belong to the State. It is proposed to sell the first at sworn estimates, and to coin the second into money bearing the effigies of the Republic. The property of the ancient civil list" has returned to the domain of the State. The Minister of Finance should be authorized to alienate such of these as he may deem necessary. The domain called " private " is not here referred to: provisionally sequestrated for the present, it awaits the disposal of the National Assembly. The State forests render annually but 2 per cent of their value. The Minister should be empowered to alienate 100,000,000 francs worth of these.
The late Government was, by the law of the 8th August 1847, authorized to raise a loan of 850,000,000 francs. It obtained on the 10th November 1847 sub- scriptions for 250,000,000 francs,. of which 82,000,000 francs have been received. It will be right to place the Provisional Government above all risk in regard to the future instalments, by raising the remaining sum authorized, as a " National Loan" of 100,000,000 francs. Each citizen shall receive a coupon of 5 per cent Stock at par, even though the stock rise above par before the subscription is filled. A review of the financial situation is reassuring. The drafts on the Savings Banks are subsiding, and the taxes are paid with alacrity. The people are realiz- ing the truth that the fortune of France is the same today as it was yesterday. "The English debt amounts to twenty milliards. It rests on the manufacturing and commercial subjection of the world,—a variable and fragile basis. Ours is only five milliards; and it has for its basis all the public and private property of France,—an immoveable basis, and every day stronger. A few years of a Republi- can Government—of a prudent, firm, and loyal administration—and the credit of France will not have an equal. But, in my profound conviction, these favourable provisions cannot be realized but by the firm growth and strengthening of the Republic. Let all good citizens contribute to that result, without wild en- thusiasm as without useless regrets. The last prestige of the Monarchy Was utility. Many sincere men believed the maintenance of that form in- dispensable to the maintenance of order, and to the regulation of all legitimate interests. The Monarchy once compromised, they believed all to be lost. They were mistaken. The solemn experience which has just been made ought to have convinced erring though sincere minds. What is certain, what I affirm with all the force of an enlightened and loyal conviction, is, that if the Orleans dynasty had reigned some time longer, bankruptcy was inevitable. Yes, citizens, let us proclaim it with pride and delight, to all the titles which recommend the Republic to the love of France and to the respect of the world, this mast be added—the Republic has saved France from bankruptcy !"
On Wednesday there was so great a run on the Bank of France, that the applicants were obliged to place themselves en queue, as at the en- trances to theatres. Even then, each comer was an hour and a half before reaching the cash-office. In the course of the day, this pressure forced the directors to consider the question of stopping payment. They drew up a report on the state of the cash department, and concluded with recom- mending to the Provisional Government a stoppage. They stated, that their discount in Paris, from the 26th February to the 15th March, had been 110,000,000 francs; and that they had decreased their debt to the Treasury of 125,000,000f. by 77,000,0001.., not including 11,000,000f. ad- vanced for the public services on various accounts. They had discounted also 43,000,000E at their provincial branches. Thus they had maintained the credit of great firms and prevented their suspension in the metropolis, and in Rouen, Havre, Lille, and Orleans. From the 26th February to the evening of the 14th March the Paris "en caisse " had only fallen to 70,000,000f. from twice that sum. On the morning of the 15th, however, a panic had begun, under the influence of which above 10,000,000f. had been withdrawn, and which threatened to continue and entirely strip the bank of its specie.
On the same day, the Provisional Government issued a decree stopping cash payments, and making general currency alterations-
" Art. 1. From the date of the publication of the present decreer the notes of the Bank of France shall be received as a legal tender by the public officers and private individuals.
Art. 2. Until further orders, the Bank is dispensed from the obligation of paying its notes in specie. •
" Art 3. In no case shall the issue of the Bank and its branch banks exceed 850,000,000 francs.
" Art. 4. In order to facilitate the circulation, the Bank of France is authorized to issue small notes; which, however, shall not be of a lower denomination than 100 francs."
The coinmercial world is in a most critical state. On Saturday the banking-house of Lafitte, Blount, and Co., followed that of Gouin and Co., in its suspension of payments. This company had the banking business of four great lines of railway—the Rouen, Havre, Dieppe, and Boulogne, and is extensively connected also with England. Subsequently, other import- ant banking-houses have also failed, and more arc expected to follow. By the breaking of one house, that of Messrs. Estrenne and Co. numbers of builders will be paralyzed in their operations, and a large additional num- ber of labourers thrown out of work.
On Saturday there was a great meeting of delegates from all the cor- porations or trades of Paris, in the Palace of the Luxembourg, under the presidency of M. Louis Blanc. assisted by M. Albert. M. Blanc addressed the assembly. He went into the difficulties of the labour question.
The abuses of society are one long chain; no link can be removed without affecting society throughout. A touching demand, based on heroic considerations, has been that for a diminution of the hours of labour: the Government answered, " That must be, let what may come "; and it was granted, in the hope that, by the progress that is realizing itself, the heart will one day share larger than the body in the division of the hours of labour. But a question arises, is such a course an injury to production, and a cause of increased dearness and restraint of consumption ? Let there be no dissimulation: the question is serious. It shows that workmen have an interest to limit their demands to legitimate ones; that popular wishes should not be too impatient; and indicates the point at which in the present organization all partial progress becomes difficult. Illustration may be borrowed from machines, which offer a murderous and immoral competition with human labour, and yet are a progress. Whence is the tragedy ? Hence: in the anarchy of industry and the division of interest prevailing at present, every interest transforms itself into an arm of combat. Let individualism be replaced by association, and machines will become a benefit, because a profit to all, rather than a suppression of the workman.
Bi. Blanc urged the assembly to bear in mind, that their object was in effect to abolish slavery—the slavery of poverty, of ignorance, of evil—the slavery of the workman, who has no asylum for his old father—of the girl of the people, who at the age of sixteen abandons her virtue to live—of the child of the people, who is buried at the age of ten or twelve in a pestilential factory ! These questions would require profound meditation and the greatest prudence. As the assembly would be too numerous to occupy itself every day with the necessary discussions, ten men should be chosen to act with the Government Commission.
Ten men were accordingly chosen from those present: the meeting then broke up, and its members departed with perfect decorum.
A circular has been issued by M. Louis Blanc, intimating, that as the working classes have been called in to consult as to the organization of la- bour, it is but just that the masters should also be represented. The mas- ters are accordingly to nominate delegates. M. Louis Blanc states that several of the heads of large manufacturing establishments have already expressed their wish to come to as equitable arrangement of the question.
The President and Vice-President of the " Commission de Gonvernement pour lea Travailleurs," having been informed that certain masters create difficulties with respect to the decree which fixes the hours of labour at
ten per day, and which abolishes marchandage, notify to them that the strict and faithful execution of the measures taken by the Provisional Government is an affair of public safety, and that they will be firmly maintained. They also notify that the period fixed for the day's labour of men is to be the same for women.
These social changes are working. The discharge of English servants and operatives is almost universal. Families are making sudden and large reductions in their establishments, putting down horses and car_ riagea, and disposing of large values of goods by auction. The brokers shops are crowded with the evidences of these changes of ownership, and their stock is falling in value a full half.
Manufacturing and industrial establishments are feeling the effects of the diminishing consumption, and are working half-time, and in some in- stances preparing to close for some months.
M. Ledru-Rollin has addressed a circular to the Commissioners of the Provisional Government, on their functions and powers, which has given rise to much remark and no little apprehension. We select the principal parts of the documents-
" 1. What are your Powers 2—They are unlimited. Agent of a revolutionary authority, you are revolutionary also. The victory of the people has imposed on you the duty of getting your work proclaimed and consolidated. For the accom- plishment of that task, you are invested with its sovereignty; you take orders only from your conscience; you are to act as circumstances may demand for the public safety. Thanks to our state of public morals, that mission is not a very terrible one. Hitherto you have not had to break down any serious resistance, and you have been able to remain calm in your force. You must not, however, deceive yourself as to the state of the country. Republican sentiments ought to be strongly forwarded there; and for that purpose all political functions must be allotted to men sure and of Republican principles. Everywhere the Prefects and Sub-Prefects ought to be changed. In some localities their continuance in office is demanded: it is your duty to make the population perceive that those persons who served a power each act of which was a corruption cannot be preserved. The nomination of Sub-Commissioners to replace those functionaries belongs to you; and you can refer to me whenever you feel any hesitation. Choose in preference men belonging to the chief town. You are not to take them in the arrondisse- ment itself, unless you know them to be perfectly free from all spirit of coterie. Do not set young men aside, as ardour and generosity are the privilege of that age, and the Republic has need of those fine qualities.
So also Ma jors and Deputies must be displaced, and Municipal Councils must give way to Provisional Municipalities nominated by the Commissioners, wherever hostility is manifested.
" 2. Your relations with the Officers in command of the troops.—You are exer- cising the powers of the executive authority; so that the armed•force is under your orders. You can call it out, and put it in movement; you can even, in grave cases, suspend a commanding officer, referring the case immediately to me. But you ought to show the greatest caution in this part of your functions. All that on your pa might offend the just susceptibilities of the officers or soldiers
i would be aninexcusable fault." With regard to the Army the circular adds- " It is of the People, as we are; and it is the first barrier that would be opposed to an invasion. It is about to enter for the first time on the possession of its po- litical rights. Therefore honour it and do what you can to obtain the good wishes of those who command it. Do not forget that your powers do not extend to the regulations of discipline: they may be summed up in these two words—to make use of the military force, and to gain it over by marks of esteem and cor- diality."
"3. Your relations with the-Law functionaries.—You will demand from the law officers a devoted cooperation; and wherever you do not find it you will inform me. • * • As to the officers who are immoveable, you will keep a close eye on them; and, if any of the members should_exhibit public marks of hostility, you may use the right of suspending, which your sovereign authority confers on you."
The National Guard forms the subject of section 4; but it has also been dealt with in separate instructions.
" 5. The Elections.—The elections are your great work; they will prove the sal- vation of the country. It is on the composition of the Assembly that our des- tinies depend. It must be animated by a Revolutionary spirit; if not, we shall go on to civil war and anarchy. On this subject, put yourself on year guard against the intrigues of double-faced men, who, after having served Royalty, call themselves servants of the People. Those will deceive you, and you must refuse themyour support. Let your mot dordre be New Men,' and as much as pos- sible from the ranks of the people. The working classes, who form the living strength of the nation, should choose from amongst them men recommended by their intelligence, their morality, and their devotedness: united to the elite of thinking men, they will bring force into the discussion of all great questions which will be agitated under the authority of their practical experience. They will continue the revolution, and they will limit it within the bounds of possibility and reason. Without them, it will be led away in vain Utopian ideas, when it will be stifled under the efforts of a retrograde faction. Enlighten the electors, and re- peat to them incessantly that the reign of the men of the Monarchy is finished. You comprehend how great is your task. The education of the country is not complete; it is for you to guide it. Cause on all points of your department the meeting of electoral committees; examine closely the qualifications of the candidates, and stop at those only who appear to present the strongest guarantees of republican opinion and thegreatest chance of success. No compromises, no complaisance. Let the day of election be the triumph of the revolution."
In characterizing briefly last week the circular lately issued by M. Car- not the Minister of Instruction to the Rectors of Academies, we did not give prominence to a remarkable sentiment which it enforces. We supply the omission by an extract-
" The great error against which the inhabitants of our agricultural districts must be guarded is this—that in order to be a representative it is necessary either to enjoy the advantages of education or the gifts of fortune. As far as education is concerned, it is clear that an honest peasant, possessed of good sense and ex- perience, will represent the interests of his class in the assembly. of the nation in- finitely better than a rich and educated citizen having no experience of rural life or blinded by interests at variance with those of the bulk of the peasantry. As to fortune, the remuneration which will be assigned to all the members of the Assembly will suffice for the maintenance of the very poorest. " It must not be forgotten, that in a great assembly -like that which is about to assemble, the majority of the members fulfil the functions of jurors. They decide affirmatively or negatively whether the measures proposed by the elite of the mem- bers are good or bad. They only require honesty and good sense; they do not invent."
The Minister of Justice and Public Worship has addressed a circular to the Archbishops and Bishops, directing them to advise the clergy in their dioceses to take part in the elections, and to impress on their con- gregations the great truths of Republicanism.
M. Ledru Rollin's circular has ceased a very general consternation, not only among the classes whom it was directly calculated to alarm, but among the friends of the Government. M. Keratry, a venerable and ardent Republican, whom the Provisional Government had recently appointed to be s cont,cillor of State, resigned in alarm at the arbitrary doctrines in the circular; with which he coupled M. Carrot's, calling to the representation of the country " men without instruction or badly educated." A deputation of the Republican Club waited on the Provisional Government to inform the members of the alarm created in the public mind. The deputation ins received by M. Lamartine; who spoke at considerable length— He thanked the deputation for seeking an explanation. He declared that the provisional Government had authorized no one to speak to the nation in its name, and especially to speak a language superior to the laws. He declared that the Government—recognizing freedom of opinion, repudiating that worst sort of cor- ruption intimidation—had deliberately resolved not to interfere, as a Government, directly or indirectly, in the elections. He hoped " that public opinion would be reassured, and would not take in an alarming sense some words wrongly inter- ted in the documents of the Ministers, who attach their signatures often in haste." And he promised that in a few days the Provisional Government would itself speak, to reestablish public confidence.
The Provisional Government and the National Guard are at issue on the persons who shall be elected as officers. The Guard desires to retain its old officers; but the Government, distrusting the heartiness of their Re- publicanism; has proposed its own nominees. The contest will be fierce. If the Guard were now what it was before the 24th of February, when it numbered but some 80,000 men, the old officers would be retained: but every means are taken to induce an immense augmentation of the force by recruits who will turn the scale the other way; according to recent ac- counts, it has already reached 235,000 men. Each party is making ar- rangements, with an immense organization, to assist its views; the Guard forming clubs and associations, and the Government indoctrinating its offi- cials and issuing a multitude of decrees.
Another serious affair has agitated Paris. The National Guard includes companies of grenadiers and light infantry, which are distinguished in or- ganization from the centre companies, and for that reason incurred their jealousy. These companies d'dlite, as their opponents call them, are offi- cered by men who are Conservative in tendency, but who have the perfect confidence of the men they command. The Government distrusts the commanders, and would have others elected at the coming general election of officers; but have no chance of displacing them if the men of the com- panies have the election left in their hands. A late order of the Minister of the Interior has attempted to master the difficulty by breaking up the elite companies and fusing them with the general mass; establishing a new mode of election of officers, under which the Guard generally shall choose captains and lieutenants for the particular companies. This order has led to open revolt against the authority of the Provisional Government. On Wednesday, a body of Guards, principally those of the Banlieu, Belleville, Vaugirard, and Batignolles, presented themselves at the Hotel de Ville, and demanded the recall of the decree in question. No promise of com- pliance was given; whereupon they said, " We come unarmed today to de- mand a right: you took us unfairly and by surprise. If by nine o'clock tomorrow morning that decree be not annulled, we will be here and armed.'
The National denounces the departures from Paris- " What has taken place for some days, that we bear sudden journies, pre- cipitate departures, spoken of on all sides? The movement which induces a por- tion of the population to quit Paris almost resembles a flight. And why fly ? What danger menaces us? What peril have we toapprehend ? The revolution was accomplished in a few hours; a vanquished Monarchy has disappeared, carry- ing with it the only cause of our dissensions. Let us forget the eighteen years which have last elapsed; or, if we do pay attention to them, let it be to draw from them some lessons useful to the common happiness. But why affect fear? Why simulate alarm? We ask the question of those who wish to quit us. What terrifying symptom has appeared in the horizon to inspire this sad idea of emi- gration? Up to the present moment, have they.run any danger? In the midst of the emotion of the combat, or in the exaltation of victory, has a single word of hatred, a cry of vengeance, an accent of menace, proceeded from the people of Pa- ris? And at present, what is passing ? The workmen, confident in the Govern- ment, because they are aware that it cannot and will not deceive them, are return-
ing to their work The emigrants of 1848, leaving behind them a tranquil city in which order and peace reign, do not excite even anger; they merely cause men to laugh. They fancy themselves worthy of pity, whilst they are only ridiculous."
The subscriptions to the new Government discount bank not coming in very freely, M. Merrast's newspaper the National thus tries to stimulate contributions- " The subscription for the National Bank of Discount has been opened, and the list is already numerous. But we are bound to say, that it is with a painful surprise we have seen the figures subscribed by the greater part of the large bank- ing-houses of Paris. At a moment when credit is in want of being enhanced—at a time when all classes of citizens are generously imposing on themselves the greatest sacrifices to secure to the commonwealth the resources of which it stands in need—it is, to say the least, strange and singular, that men notoriously known as of colossal wealth should show so little zeal in coming forward to the aid of that commerce to which, after all, they owe their fortunes. We would fain believe that their first subscription is not determinate, and that they will hasten to com- plete it proportionately to their resources. It would be disagreeable to us to sig- nalize the names of the subscribers, and the amount of their subscription, to public opinion. Nevertheless, if it be necessary, we should make up our minds to do so: not that we pretend to coerce anybody to subscribe; we only desire that people should judge of the sincerity of certain declarations by the deed. The enthusiasm and apparent cordiality of the adhesions are reproduced, in the list of which we speak, by francs and centimes. That everybody is the master of his own fortune, is incontestable; but the Republic has also, assuredly, the right to refuse the alms of alarm. What it asks is a sacrifice, without doubt voluntary, but at the same time serious and efficacious. Now the sums subscribed are a veritable mockery: if there be any doubt about this, we will call upon the public to decide. Would this suit these gentkment" The Journal des Ddbatr, long known as the peculiar organ of the late Government, publishes the following profession de foi- "We owe to our readers, to the public, to the Government, a frank declaration. If we said that we were exceedingly in favour of the new form of government, and that a sadden inspiration had changed and renewed our ideas, no one would believe us. Such a profession of faith on our parts would justly inspire only con- tempt or distrust. It would be supposed that we were afraid, or that we conceal under such eagerness, which could not but excite suspicion, a secret hostility. Such is not the position which we have taken up, and which we wish to guard. We admit the fact—we are the conquered of February. That word we pronounce without any feeling of vengeance or of hatred. Our ideas relative to the form of government have fallen; others have triumphed. We sincerely wish that they may be more fortunate than ours, and that, putting an end to the long wra of in- testine discords, they may insure the happiness and liberty of France. But the question of the Provisional Government is far, in our opinion, from being the only question which men of sense have to devote themselves to. What has France
been seeking for the last sixty years ? Her predominant want has no doubt c according to the period. In 1789 the country sought above all_for liberty.
the great storms of the Revolution, it sought for mil security, the end of proscrip- tions; and France, so to speak, ran to meet the despotism which preseisted itself as the restorer of society. For the last thirty years it is the 61111ilon'of order and liberty that France has wished for. This, it wits supposed, at rat asilivintliM the alliance of the old Legitimacy with a Charter accorded to the fundamental' principles of the Revolution. That is what we ourselves thought was founded in the contract of 1830. The conciliation of order and liberty, that is the pro- blem; and the form of government which shall resolve it will be the best. Under all forms of government, France has a right to demand security of persons and respect of property, a regular and impartial justice, humane and moderate laws, a liberty' more or less extended—a true liberty—liberty of thought, liberty of worship, liberty of election, combined in such a manner as that the majority may have the power and the minority be not oppressed. France for the last sixty years has only asked for that. These principles may be defended under the Republic as under the Monarchy; and it is ones duty to do so—the form of go- vernment is only the means. These means are imperfect; and we cannot suppose that any sincere Republican can persuade himself that the Republican form answers for everything, decides everything, is everything. Passions exist under the Republican as under the Monarchy : there are factions—there are ardent, immoderate, uneasy minds, which contradiction irritates, which know no liberty but their own, and which never once consider that to impose their ideas on others is to be tyrannical. Under the Imperial Government, France had order without liberty. At present she desires to have liberty without order. There is, therefore, always for good citizens, no matter to what party they may have previously be- longed, an honourable part to play in political life. rhe principles of order and liberty will not defend themselves. We say to our friends, Go to the election,' as we said to them a few days back, 'Lend your cooperation to the Provisional Government' What we recommend them to do, we shall do ourselves by the press: no syste- matic hostility, no despair, a frank cooperation in all that is good, alliance with the moderate men who wish to have order and liberty under all regimes—no op- position to a simple form of government. Such is our programme, without any eoncealment. We have ourselves adopted it, and we recommend our friends to do so. We have not hesitated to praise in the acts of the Provisional Government what appeared to us to be well intentioned. We praise it, above all, for having sought the abolition of the pain of death in political matters, to inaugurate in the new Republic a new spirit of mildness and humanity. Such acts shall always receive our approbation; we shall be silent only on what may shock our habits, our personal sentiments, our own ideas. We shall blame with moderation, but with liberty, what may appear to us contrary to the interests of France, and to the principles of justice and order. For ourselves, what do we demand ? We said it on the first day—as much liberty as our adversaries have had when our ideas triamphed!"
Messieurs Billault and Gustave de Beaumont have started as candidates for the National Assembly. They give their adherence to the Republic without any arriere pensde, as an inevitable fact and irrevocable settle- ment. The whole of M. Thiers's party will offer themselves; of M. Guizot's, it is thought, very few.
Several Ambassadors have given the provisional adhesion of their States to the present Government till the National Assembly shall have met. M. d'Hofschill, Ambassador of Belgium, has assured M. de Lamartine, that the military preparations in Belgium are simply to defend its neutrality. Ho is .ordered to maintain the most friendly relations till the Republic shall have been sanctioned by the National Assembly. The Minister of Denmark has announced that his Government will hasten to recognize the Republie the moment diplomatic usages permit. The Sardinian Ambassador is charged to represent a friendly disposition to recognize the Republic. The Canton of Friburg has warmly congratulated France on her revolution, and expressed its hope that France and Switzerland will henceforward aid each other in extending liberty.
The Marquis of Normanby has conveyed assurances from Lord Palmer- liken thai'the asylum offered to Louis Philippe and his family has been mere- ly the attention paid to persons suffering under profound misfortune, and has not any signification beyond hospitality itself.
The Provisional Government received various -deputations on Saturday last; among them, one from the Peace Society of England, headed by Mr. Sturge; and one from the English residents in Paris, headed by Captain Boyle, General Wright, and Mr. Douglas Jerrold, with an address. M. De Lamartine received and acknowledged the latter with more warmth and effusion than such documents usually excite. The Provisional Government were profoundly touched by the tribute paid to the moderation of tho people in the hour of their triumph—their trial. The address would be registered in the archives of the Republio, an enduring memorial to prove to their children the humanity of their fathers.
The Moniteur announces that the Provisional Government has received two letters from " Messrs. Henry and Francis d'Orleans," (the Duke d'Aumale and Prince of Joinville,) in which they announce their having quitted the French territory, and given up the command of Algeria to the officers appointed by the Provisional Government.
On leaving Algeria, the Duke of Aumale issued the following valedic- tory address to the colonists— Algiers, March 8. " Faithful to the duties of a citizen and soldier, I remained at my poet as long as I considered my presence useful to the service of the country. " That obligation no longer exists. General Cavaignac has been appointed Governor-General of Algiers. Until his arrival at Algiers the functions of Go- vernor-General ad interim will be filled by General Changarnier. " In obedience to the national will, I quit the country; but from the depth of exile all my wishes shall be for your prosperity and the glory of France, which I should have been anxious to serve for a longer period. IL D'ORI.KANS."
On the same day, I& H. d'Orleans issued a similar address to the army. The Duke of Aumale and the Prince of Joinville, with the Princesses and their families, embarked on board the Solon steamer on the 3d, for Gibraltar.
The Commission for the arrangement of the liberation of all the slaves in the French Colonies have issued a notice, stating that " that great act of reparation cannot be accomplished before the completion of the next harvest."
On Sunday last, the largest meeting of Germans ever held in Paris— upwards of 3,000 were present—assembled to inaugurate a society on be- half of German liberty. George lierwegh, the Prussian poet, whose writings have caused his proscription in his native country, explained the objects and rules which the society will have. The union of all the Ger- man states into one great Republic is the principal end; within that union, the most perfect freedom of equal rights, the franchise, toleration of re- ligions, and liberty of the press, will be insured. The means are to be, the use of the French Revolution as an open and peaceful propaganda; but should other arms be necessary, the society are prepared to form them- selves into a legion and march to the assistance of their compatriots. The flag of the club is the old standard of the Empire, black, red, and gold; colours which have become the symbol of German Liberalism as pro- hibited to the Burschen of the Universities, and all unions and gesell- sehaften whatever.
At the grand ball on Saturday evening, in the Jardin d'fliver, for the benefit of the workmen out of employ, the National Guardsman stationed at the door was no other than Prince Polignac, the son of the Minister of Charles. the Tenth. Several employers, accompanied by some dozen or so of operatives, waited on M. Rothschild, and demanded a loan of 5,000 francs upon the deposit of securities of the nominal value of 50,000. M. Rothschild not seeming willing to accede to this demand, the masters pressed it with great urgency; saying, that in case of refusal they could not answer for what the operatives might do. Id. de Roths- child demanded some moments for consideration; and, retiring to another room, he caused a party of the National Guard to be brought from an adjacent post, to resist by force the demands pressed upon him.
During the tumults of the revolution, the Conciergene was the scene of some irregulanties, by which MM. Beauvallon and d'Ecquevilley and M. Teste were allowed to go at large. M. Teste has been retaken: he had not attempted to leave his house. The other gentlemen have not been heard of since their en- largement. Advices from Havre of the 13th say that the mob have again menaced the flax-mills unless the English were dismissed. The like has occurred at Lisieux and Malaunay; where the proprietors have suffered personal violence on account of their English workmen. There are 2,500 English work- men employed in the Normandy factories. Several large shire laden with cotton arrived at Havre, and, learning the state of things in the province, they sailed, without breaking their cargoes, for Liverpool The managers of a large factory at Boulogne have been compelled to dismiss their English workmen, who, with their families, number nearly 700 persons. The strike of the miners of Anzin is at an end. A compromise has taken place between them and the directors, by which their salary was fixed at 2 francs 50 cents per day. It is said that there are now 540,000 persona out of employment in and shoat Paris; a number daily increasing.
Bar on:al.—King Leopold has given his Ministers full leave to make any proposition they may think advantageous for Belgium. This declaration is understood to refer directly to the abandonment of Monarchy itself if the nation shall generally demand it. The Politique, which was the organ of M. Nothomb's Ministry, publishes an article calling for a dissolution of the Chambers, that the country may express its opinion on the funda- mental question of the form of the constitution. It speaks in this plain manner-
" By that declaration, Royalty has rendered homage to the sovereignty of the nation. If the country be tempted to follow the example of France, it will choose representatives known for their Republican tendencies. If the contrary, that example will only confirm the attachment of Belgium to the constitutional regime. The election will give rise to an unequivocal manifestation?
HOLLAND.—At the beginning of this week, Amsterdam and the sur-. rounding country were in a great ferment, on account of the half-measures of reform proposed by the Government. Leyden had petitioned, and a general outbreak was feared. On Tuesday, the King, by an unexpected movement, distanced all his advisers. Early that day, he sent a message to the Legislative Chamber, desiring that the House itself should take the initiative, and propose all those changes and reforms in the Government of the people and the fundamental law which it might deem necessary and expedient; the Royal consent being promised to all proposals. The King at the same time made the strange declaration, that he had adopted thie sadden change of policy without the knowledge of his Ministers! The Cabinet has resigned, as a matter of course; and a new Ministry was about to be formed, on a Liberal basis. The people are in the greatest joy: more significant—the stocks have sensibly risen.
Gintstaxv.—The accounts from the several states relate so rapid a change of events, so multifarious, and so much alike in general character, that it is not easy to present a synopsis in our available space: we endeavour to seize the most salient points.
In Prussia, the King has issued a remarkable decree. After recapitu- lating the resolution of the German Diet granting to each state liberty to legislate in its own way on the freedom of the press, under some guarantees, the King states that if the Diet do not go farther, and grant substantively the freedom of the press for the whole Confederation, he will take the ini- tiative for the Prussian kingdom at the next meeting of the Prussian Diet.
The war preparations attributed to Prussia of late seem to have been overstated: it is averred, as if on authority, that there is no intention to ad- vance an army to the frontier. The Prince of Prussia has been appointed Governor-General of the Rhine Provinces.
There has been a constitutional revolution in Bavaria. The Prince Leiningen wrote a strong appeal to the King, urging him to accede to the popular demands, and warning him that otherwise he might lose his crown. On the 6th, the King yielded, and published a proclamation going the whole length of the Germanic movement,—constitutional responsibility of Ministers, entire liberty of the press, with abolition of censorship, trial by
Dry, and the promise to forward an amended Germanic representation and iet. The people are in transports of delight at their victory; and the troops and students of the University have sworn allegiance to the new constitution.
Lola Montez has been back to Munich in disguise; but has been appre- hended by the King's orders, and sent away from the town, on the way back to Linden.
In Saxony, Dresden and Leipsic have " pronounced," and petitioned the King for "reform." The King replied with tears, and with a promise to convoke the Chambers in October. The people do not relish the evasion, and agitation continues. The Grand Duke of Saxe Weimar was called into his balcony by a tu- mult, and forced to promise all that his people demanded. King Ernest of Hanover has not escaped the rousing which all the Ger- manic Kings are undergoing. The magistrates and bourgeoisie of Hanover • joined oined the general movement, and sent in a petition by one of the King's aides-de-camp. The King replied without much encouragement to the petitioners. He called on his subjects to stand by him in emergencies; and said he would shed his blood in proof of his affection for them. Sub- sequently he promised to be guided on the " press " question by the ma- jority of the Diet. A remarkable assembly took place at Heidelberg on the 5th instant.
Fifty-one eminent Germans, nearly all of them members of the states ofPrussia, Bavaria, Wurtemberg, Baden, Hesse, Nassau, or Frankfort, met to
deliberate on the measures proper to the present crisis. They adopted a manifesto setting forth a scheme of policy, of which the heads are these,--- No war of intervention against " the new order of things "; no attempts to deprive other nations of " the liberty and independence which they have
earned as a right "; a representative assembly for all German states, to avert dangers internal and external, and develop the energy and prosperity of the country; organization of a body of volunteer representatives, to offer their assistance to the Government in this matter; a common defence against foreign aggression. The issue of this protocol is understood to have quickened the proceed.
ings of the Federal Diet. The Frankfort Journal announces as certain, that the Germanic Diet, convinced of the necessity of reforming the Federal-
constitution, and wishing that its propositions for that purpose may be freely accepted by the people, has invited the several Governments of Germany to send immediately to Frankfort men enjoying the public confidence to take part with the members of the Diet in the deliberations which will be held for that purpose.
The official organ of the Austrian Government has published a pro- gramme of the line of policy which that Government intends to adopt to- wards France. It is almost in the very words of the speech of the King of Prussia at the closing of the commission of the States. The Emperor de- clares his intention of not interfering in the affairs of France, but of resist- ing the breach of treaties or the invasion of territory. " He will at the same time, and with the same energy, be watchful that there be no attempt that may throw this empire, so blessed by Heaven, into anarchy, or deliver it up an easy prey to the attacks of any enemy."
At a secret sitting of the Hungarian Chambers, on the 2d instant, it was unanimously resolved, at the instance of the Opposition leader, to send a deputation to Vienna, demanding the immediate establishment Of a remain, sible Hungarian Ministry, consisting exclusively of Hungarians, entirely distinct from the Austrian Government; as also the immediate abolition of the onerous taxes, and a total reform in the laws of the country.
Irm.v.—Letters from Rome, to the 6th instant, convey satisfactory 'intelligence. The news of the French Revolution becoming known, the populace gathered in immense numbers and went to the Quirinal to petition aloud for the promised constitution. The Senate presented an address to the Pope, urging despatch. The Sovereign Pontiff replied to the Senate as follows- " The events, I will not say which succeeded each other, but which have hurried on to a conclusion, justify the demand addressed to me by the Senators in the name of the Magistrate and the Council. Everybody knows that I have been incessantly engaged in giving the Government the form claimed by those gentlemen and required by the people. But everybody must understand the difficulty encountered by him who unites two supreme dignities, What can be effected in one night in a secular state cannot be accomplished without mature examination in Rome, in consequence of the necessity to fix a line of separation between the two powers. Nevertheless, I hope that, in a few days, the constitu- tion will be ready, and that I shall be able to proclaim a new form of government calculated to satisfy the people, and more particularly the Senate and the Council, who know better the state ol" affairs and the situation of the country. May the Almighty bless my desires, and labours! If religion derives any advantage therefrom, I will throw myself at the feet of the crucified Jesus, to thank Him for the events accomplished by His will; and I will be more satisfied as chief of the Universal Church than as a temporal prince if they tarn to the greater glory of God."
It is confidently reported that Cardinal Ferretti, having left Rome to proceed as Legate to Ravenna, (a post lately assigned him,) has disappeared on the way, and has not been heard of for several days. This strange event has given rise to a variety of conjectures.—Patria.
The constitution of the Sardinian states was proclaimed on the 5th in- stant. The King, who has hitherto taken an active share in the conduct of affairs, has commissioned Count Cesare Balbo and Signor Lorenzo Pareto to form a Cabinet on the footing of responsibility usual with constitutional governments. Count Cesare Balbo is the author of the Esperanza d'Italia, and is celebrated for patriotism and strength of purpose.
The Neapolitan Ministry has resigned; and one has been formed pro- visionally, under Prince Canati. The King was preparing an expedition against Sicily.
UNITED STATES.—The Sarah Sands arrived at. Liverpool on Tuesday, with dates from New York of the 29th of February. The Hibernia had
arrived on Saturday. The Mexican treaty, received at Washington, was to be modified and sent back. John Quincy Adams had departed this life —seized with apoplexy in the House of Representatives.. All Washing- ton, civil, military, clerical, and lay, attended his funeral.