NE WS 0 LP THE WEEK.
THE result of the first ballots in the Austrian General Election (which is the first ever conducted under universal suffrage) is an overwhelming success for the Socialists. The "nationalities," or parties which represented various national interests and distracted the country by fomenting race antagonism, have almost disappeared. The upheaval is remarkable, and politicians and newspapers still seem to be bewildered. The triumphant Socialists are divided into two kinds,—the Social Democrats and the Christian Socialists. It is not easy to say which wing will be the more powerful, but the Christian Socialists are more likely to have allies in Parliament, such as the Clerical Centre and the Poles. On the other hand, they may find it difficult to reconcile all Socialistic measures with their allegiance to the Pope. The Young Czechs, who had forty-five seats in the last Chamber, will probably retain very few. All the German sections are nearly annihilated, and the Pan-Germans have suffered most of all. Their leader, Herr Schonerer, has himself been defeated. Italian Irredentism, again, is in eclipse at Trieste and Trient. According to the Vienna correspondent of the Times, the people are tired of racial catchwords. Certainly the new Chamber seems to promise more workmanlike qualities than the old one.
In the debate in the French Chamber of Deputies on the general policy of the Government M. Jaures began a speech on Friday week which occupied seven hours and lasted into the following day. It seems that the Socialists have come at last to a parting of the ways. On the one hand aro orderly and legitimate methods; on the other the anarchy too often encouraged by the General Confederation of Labour,— sabotage, otherwise the destruction of the implements of labour, anti-militarism, and so forth. M. Satires tried to make the best of both worlds. He began by arguing that the Government ought to allow State officials to form Trade. Unions, because a strike of officials was almost an impossibility. Although be condemned violence, he nevertheless objected to every attempt the Government had made to prevent it. He said that the anti-militarist tract, Manuel du Soldat," was—we quote from the Times account—" an detestable as it was fortunately ineffectual." "Do you, the rulers of the Republic," he continued, "really believe that the working classes, in spite of certain formulas and paradoxes, are prepared or are tempted to consent to deliver up the Fatherland ? If you believe that—if you.consider it to he the deep-rooted sentiment of the working classes, and that in proportion as they develop a great federal organisation they will incorporate in it this renunciation of the Fatherland—if yea believe that I shall sadly join with you in saying 'Finis Galliae.' " This passage will be remembered by M. Briand and 31. Viviani, Socialist members of the Government, who would subscribe to every word of it, although they were bitterly attacked in other parts of the speech. M. James's assurances would undoubtedly have been more convincing if he had done anything conspicuously to moderate the anarchical programme of the General Confederation of Labour before May let.
On Monday M. Briand continued the debate in a speech dealt with by us elsewhere. On Tuesday, the fifth and last day of the debate, M. Clemenceau replied for the Government, fully knowing that the existence of his Ministry was at stake. He explained that he had done nothing arbitrary in the case of the State officials or Civil servants; he had simply punished those who were insubordinate under the Press Law. As to the General Confederation of Labour, he had not prosecuted it as a body because he had been anxious that the good elements in it should get the upper hand over the smaller anarchical element. After all, the Confederation represented nearly three thousand Unions which did not approve of anarchy. England had not despaired in the turbulent early days of her own Trade-Unions. If the Chamber wanted to prosecute three thousand Unions, it must ask some one else to do it. He would not. If the Government fell, there would be no immediate hope of social reform. M. Clemenceau's speech, which was bold and frank, was not conciliatory in manner, and it was necessary for M. Briand to return to the tribune and in his wise and moderate way assure the Chamber that the Government were perfectly united. Amid much excitement, the Government received a vote of confidence by 327 votes to 200. It is clear that the gulf between the extreme Socialists and the moderate and Radical Socialists widens. The Bloc as a practical instrument has almost ceased to exist.
The Queen of Spain gave birth to an heir on Friday week. Both the Queen and the Prince have been progressing well. For several hours before the event the doors of the Chapel Royal, according to custom, were thrown open to the Household, and prayers were said by the Chaplains. The Ministers of the Crown, and other officials, as well as the Diplomatic Corps, gathered in an anteroom to the Queen's apartments. Shortly after the birth the King entered this room carrying the child, The Minister of Justice and the Prothonotary of the Kingdom then drew up the deed of birth. The excitement outside the palace was intense. It had been arranged that fifteen guns should proclaim the birth of a daughter and twenty-one that of an heir ; and, further, that the Royal Standard should be flown for an heir and a white flag for a daughter. The Prince of Asturias has been named Alfonso.
Lord Cromer, who returned to England on Monday, was met at the Victoria Station by the Prince of Wales, the Duke of Connaught, the Prime .Minister. Sir Edward Grey, Lord Halsbury, and a large number of other distinguished persons drawn front both sides in politics and from the national Services. The Lord Chamberlain, Lord Althorp, was there to represent the King, and took Lord Cromer at once to Buckingham Palace, where, it is officially stated, be was received with the greatest cordiality by the Sovereign. Thcugh Lord Cromer's friends could hardly fail to notice some signs of the illness which enforced his resignation, there is, we are glad to think, no reason to doubt that rest and quiet in the climate of England will very-soon restore him to bit normal health and vigour. When that restoration is accomplished, we do not doubt that Lord Cromer will find abundant opportunities for still continuing his great services to the -Empire. The Japanese have added to their Constitutional
system a body of "Elder Statesmen."—that is, of statesmen who, though holding no official position whatever, are yet able to give their help in the supreme guidance of national affairs. Though we have not yet erected this happy idea into a system, there is plenty of scope for "Elder Statesmen" with us, and Lord Cromer will, we hope, be able to give us a lead in this respect.
At the last meeting of the Imperial Conference on Tuesday an important resolution was passed that "the different portions of the Empire should be connected with the beat possible means of mail communication, travel, and transportation," and that "to this end it is advisable that Great Britain should be connected with Canada, and through Canada with Australia and New Zealand, by the best service available within reasonable cost" The discussion proved that the Home Government and the Colonies all hope to go farther in this matter than can be expressed in a preliminary resolution, though, of course,' the Government desire to take expert advice first. The Colonies, and, so far as can be judged, the Home Government, are all in favour of an Imperial fast steamship and railway service from the West Coast of Ireland, via Halifax and Vancouver, to Australia and New Zealand, and also to Yokohama, Shanghai, and Hong-kong. The combined Transatlantic and trans-continental journey ought not to take more than eight days. The cost should be borne in equitable proportions by the Home Government and the Colonies. Such a proposal is perfectly compatible with Free-trade, and we heartily welcome it. In our opinion, the scheme will not be ultimately complete without a tunnel to Ireland. That is open to none of the objections raised to the Channel Tunnel Mr. Deakin was the chief speaker at a meeting held by the National Service League at Queen's Hall on Thursday, and presided over by Lord Roberts. Premising that the country which governed itself could only govern itself while it was prepared to protect itself, and that the British Empire bad more to lose and more to protect than any other State, Mr. Deakin explained what the Australians were doing to meet an emergeney, which,t1nty hoped might never occur. They were all, beginning to realise that without accepting the responsibilities of defence they had not accepted the full measure of their duty either to country or King ; the financial problem had still to be solved, but he believed that it would not be long before there was universal service throughout Australia. Mr. Hughes, the Inspector of Schools at Toronto, gave an interesting account of the working of the system of military drill in the Canadian schools, and Lord Milner paid a warm tribute to thp stimulating influence exerted by Mr. Deakin's presence and personality in promoting the cause of national unity. We may add that in acknowledging a vote of thanks for presiding Lord Roberts uttered a needful word of warning on the question of the possibility of the invasion of our shores.
In the House of Commons on Monday, Mr. Morley made ii most important statement on the subject of the unrest in India. While the news from the Punjab was reassuring, the situation in Eastern Bengal was strained, and the bitterness prevailing between Hindus and Mohammedans battled to serious disorder and great unrest. Agitation by seditious speeches in public meetings bad become so prevalent that the Governor-General in Council, with the approval of his Majesty's Government, had promulgated an Ordinance, under the Act of 1861, prohibiting the bolding of &Ulla political meetings without the giving of seven days' notice to the police; empowering police officers and others to attend meetings in order to report speeches ; empowering District Magistrates to prohibit meetings likely, in their opinion, to promote sedition or disturb public tranquillity ; rendering persons concerned in promoting meetings held without notice punishable with six months' imprisonment ; and placing prohibited meetings under the category of unlawful assembly under the Penal Code,
Mr. Morley defended the action of the Government on the line that such executive measures must be judged and tested by the emergency and the risk. Iii the opinion of those best fitted to judge—notably the Lieutenant. Governor of the Punjab—the agitation, if unchecked, might produce enormous mischief, and "the Government are therefore determined not to strip the Government of
India of any weapon which the law places in their hands for the suppression of these dangerous outbreaks." In an Impressive passage Mr. Morley reminded the critics of the Government that there were no persons more interested in the prompt suppression and prevention of disorder than the Indian party with which they were in each close sympathy, "because it can be no secret that if disorder spreads there will be, whether we like it or not, an end of all those projects of reform which the Viceroy and I—and I do not believe that any two servants of the Crown ever understood one another better—did hope, and still hope, to produce."
The Fiscal question was in debate during Monday and Tuesday on Mr. Austen Chamberlain's timendment to the Finance Bill. Although that amendment nominally dealt with the broadening of the basis of taxation, it was made the ;ground, both by Tariff Reformers and Free-trade's, for speeches dealing with Preference and Protection. Mr. Balfour's speech, which followed a very able Free-trade speech by Mr. Mullet, was, we should imagine, equally disappointing and distasteful to Tariff Reformers and Free-traders. It contained, amongst other things, a re. capitulation of Mr. Balfour's opinions on the whole Fiscal controversy. He tells us that on the day when Mr. Chamberlain launched his scheme, he expressed his views in favour of Colonial Preference in the strongest and clearest language; and from that date, now four years ago, he has never varied, "even by a fraction of an inch, on one side or the other." Our readers need not apprehend, however, that we shall make any attempt to summarise Mr. Balfour's views. Mr. Balfour may have a pair of gyroscopes rotating in his mind in opposite directions, like those in the cars on a Brennan line, which enable him to keep his narrow intellectual mono-rail without toppling over on either side. We lay claim to the possession of no such mechanism, and therefore cannot follow him. In any case, we doubt whether the power to maintain one's equilibrium on a mono.rail is really as valuable in politics as in locomotion.
The latter part of Mr. Balfour's speech was taken up with the broadening of he basis of taxation. Here Mr. Balfour declared that his suggested policy depended "on the House accepting three propositions (1) 'that the present system is not sufficient for our needs; (2) that any change in the system must be in the direction of extending the net of the Chan. cellor of the Exchequer and taxing fresh articles; and (3)-that when you have extended your system of taxable articles, you will be in possession of a fiscal system, which can be used to the immense advantage of the commerce and manufactures of the country and for the benefit and unity of the Empire, for the purpose of establishing Colonial Preference." The third of these propositions shows, we fear, a considerable advance in Mr. Balfour's education by the Tariff Reformers. It is one of their peculiarities to regard taxation, not as a necessary evil, but as an actual good,—a sort of beneficent manure which, if spread sufficiently thickly, will cause vast growths of wealth to spring up from the land. Certainly, if Preferential and Protective taxation can do all these things, we cannot have too much of it.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer contributed to the debate a speech of real power and eloquence. Very interesting was Mr. Asquith's account of the fiscal discussions at the Conference, and well deserved his reproof in regard to the "mischievous and unscrupulous activity of the baser section of the Protectionist Press, who have shrunk from no kind of imagination and innuendo for the purpose of creating bad blood between the Mother-country and the Colonies, in the hope that, peradventure, they might in that way manufacture a little dirty political capital." As we have pointed out elsewhere, our Protectionist friends seem to be unable so to be Tariff Reformers as not to forget they are patriots. Mr. Asquith went on to declare, however, that he was sure that every one of his friends the Colonial Premiers would agree with him that the full, frank, candid, and at the same time cordial, exchange of opinions enabled them to rise from the Conference table better friends than when they sat down. After a speech from Mr. Bonar Law, who put the Tariff Reform case with his usual -ability, and an excellent reply by Mr. Runciman, the House divided on the amendment, which was lost by a majority of 268 (376 votes to 1081. In the House of Commons on Wednesday Sir Edward Grey explained the views of the Government as to the Congo State. He did not agree with those who said that the Belgian Government seemed less likely than ever to end the present state of affairs, and it was the intention of the British Government to wait to see the Belgian scheme of annexation. If the Belgium Government took over the Congo State with real responsibility, publicity would be secured, and the abuses ought to end. As to the financial side of the matter, if Belgium professed herself unable to do anything without help from the Treaty Powers, the British Government, at any rate, would listen to her representations. But while prepared to wait, we could not wait indefinitely, and if the Belgian scheme should break down, the British Government would be prepared to invite the Powers to a Conference, or, better still, to accept the invitation from some other Power. Britain had no designs on the Congo State, and no other Power would have anything to fear. Sir Edward Grey's statement studiously avoided everything that might seem discourteous or dictatorial. We regret to notice, however, that the Independance Beige thinks that it "will not fail to impress Belgian public opinion unfavourably," while other Belgian papers discover in it something like a threat.
It has not yet been announced who is to be Chairman of the Committee of the House of Lords which is to consider the proposals for the reform of that body. It is not the business of outsiders to make suggestions which may appear to dictate to the Peers, but we cannot help expressing our hope that the choice may fall upon Lord Rosebery. No man has a deeper or more comprehensive knowledge of the whole subject, practical and historical, than he has, and no man is likely to command more general confidence in the country in regard to such a subject. Lord Rosehery has also, owing to his experiences as Prime Minister and as Chairman of the London County Council, great knowledge of the way in which public opinion works in this country, and of what are the things which can and cannot be done. Again, the fact that he now stands aloof from political strife will make it impossible for it to be asserted that the Committee is being used in the, interests of either of the two political Fillies.
The prospects of Mr. Birrell's Irish Council Bill have not grown brighter during the week. That Mr. Healy would condemn it was a foregone conclusion in view of his relations with the Irish Parliamentary Party ; but his hostility is none the less embarrassing for being detached. The most influential members of the Roman Catholic hierarchy, again, make no secret of their dissatisfaction with the Bill, and during the week Archbishop Walsh, the Bishop of Limerick, and Cardinal Logue have all publicly criticised it in unsparing
terms as inadequate or mischievous. Equally significant is the uncompromising attitude of many local branches of the United Irish League, and of County and District Councils, which have instructed their delegates to vote.against the Bill at the Nationalist Convention. At the moment the omens seem to point to its injection, and the Daily Chronicle's Parliamentary correspondent frankly states that in that event the Bill "will be quietly dropped" by the Government. Mr. Redmond is believed to be desirous of securing the acceptance of the measure by the Convention, but he will have to exert all his powers of persuasion to overbear the steadily growing opposition it has aroused. In this difficult position he will be single-handed, as Mr. Dillon will be unable to take part in the discussion owing to a severe domestic bereavement, in regard to which all parties are at one in their sympathy with hini.
Sir Horace Plunkett took farewell of his Department on Thursday in a speech of great dignity and magnanimity. Touching very briefly on the personal aspect of his retirement, he claimed that the Council had discharged efficiently the work expected of them as a deliberative Assembly, and, that this new branch of Irish government had furnished them with a system which had gone far to solve the difficulty of effectively associating the people with the work of administration. Those to whom the development of the Department's work was due were now faced with a prospect of having their work interrupted, and they bad got to defend the institution. Their defence must be absolutely on non-party lines. Whatever success the Department had achieved was due to the vital principle that, whatever opinion a man held or expressed in his individual capacity, when doing the Department's work he should do it in a way which would prejudice no man's religious or political convictions. He did not complain that he had to he got out of the way before the Report of the Committee was published ; but they might rest assured that no responsible Government would finally decide the fate of an institution in regard to which they had appointed a Committee until all the facts collected had been brought to light.
A resolution proposed by Mr. Mackay Wilson, and supported by Mr. O'Neill, Chairman of the Dublin County Council, Mr. William Field, M.P., and others, placing on record the Council's appreciation of Sir Horace Plunkett's valued services to the material welfare of the country, was passed by acclamation. In this context we may note the letter from Mr. S. H. Butcher, M.P., in Thursday's Times, which points out that in section 20, sub-section 6, of Mr. Birrell's Irish Council Bill it is expressly enacted that the Vice-President of the Agriculture and Technical Instruction Department, who could not, as Mr. Birrell insisted, perform his duties properly unless the office were Parliamentary, is not to sit in the House of Commons. The motive of Sir Horace Plunkett's dismissal is thus revealed in all its nakedness, and the Constitutional plea, which served its turn during one night's debate, is now as completely discarded as Sir Horace Plunkett himself.
The result of the polling which took place at Wimbledon on Tuesday was declared on Wednesday, Mr. Chaplin gaining the seat by a majority only short of 7,000 by 36 votes. Mr. Chaplin polled 10,263 votes, while Mr. Russell, the Liberal and Women's Suffrage candidate, only succeeded in obtaining 3,299. At the last General Election Mr. Eric Hambro polled 9,523 votes, while Mr. Lane Fox-Pitt obtained 7,409, —a majority of 2,114. It will be seen from these figures that, though the increase in the Protectionist majority is 4,850, the increase in the Protectionist poll was only 740. The great increase in the majority was due to thefalling dff In the Liberal poll, which shows a diminution of 4,110. The Protectionists are making as much as possible out of their victory, as is most natural; but, in reality, the Wimbledon election is mainly "a staggering blow" to female suffrage. As strong opponents of that proposal, we do not profess to regret it.
We note with great regret the death at the age of forty-one of Mr. F. Edmund Garrett, a brilliant journalist who, though hampered by chronic ill-health, filled his short life with crowded' hours of honourable achievement. After serving his apprentice. ship on the Pall Mail Gazette, Mr. Garrett went out to South Africa in 1895 to edit the Cope Times. He was a strong and sincere supporter of Mr. Cecil Rhodes, but his support, alike in his paper and in the Legislative Assembly, was,combined with outspoken and independent criticism. Unfortunately, the double burden of editorship and politics proved too great for his frail physique, and he returned to England in shattered health in 1899. Though regular work was thenceforth impossible, Mr. Garrett was a frequent and valued contributor in prose and verse to many journals, including the Spectator, and his work to the very last retained its characteristic energy, incisiveness, and wit. Mr. Garrett, we may Add, though an intenpely patriotic Imperialist, never wavered in his allegiance to Free-trade.
An important meeting was held in London on Thursday to consider a scheme for raising a fund for the needs of Oxford Univertity. Lord Curzon, who presided, announced that f.:57,000 had already been promised. Mr. Asquith, who seconded Lord Curzon's motion that the fund be raised, said that Oxford must broaden the basis of her studies. The motion was carried, trustees were appointed on the motion of the Archbishop of Canterbury and Lord Milner, and a Committee was appointed to consider the best means of attracting subscriptions. All the speakers pointed out that there was no intention of impairing the traditions of Oxford as the home of classical scholarship.
