THE NEW CAUSE OF QUARREL IN EUROPE.
WE do not like these telegrams from East Africa, whether English, German, or Portuguese. They point to a coming danger which, if the Powers concerned do not take care, may threaten the whole peace of Europe, and create quarrels as lasting as that which raged during the eighteenth century between England and the Bourbons. The nations are growing jealous to imbecility about Africa—just read the absurd tele- gram from Zanzibar in the Times of Wednesday—and jealous nations become quarrelling nations before they know what they are about. Fortunately, France, which feels jealousy as a kind of burning pain, is not directly concerned with East Africa, limiting her action for the present to the magnificent island-Empire of Madagascar, where some adventurers have just discovered gold ; but if she were, we should have grave apprehensions for the immediate future of Europe. The position is nearly this. The Governments concerned, those of Great Britain, Germany, Italy, and Portugal, have practically decided to establish or extend great Colonies or "Pro- tectorates "—which are Colonies with a more limited recognition of responsibility for the subjects' action—all through Eastern Africa. After a momentary spasm of hesitation, they have agreed that, there being room for all, they need not interfere with one another, and have, in a vague and imperfect way, decided on their relative "spheres of action." Unfortunately, they have not de-. fined these " spheres " with the rigid precision neces- sary in all territorial treaties, but have left a great quantity of territory, the very geography of which is well known only to experts, as a sort of "No man's land," which may be entered, conquered, or at least claimed, by adventurers very much as if it were newly discovered land in some corner of the South Pacific. Each Power tries to get as much of this "No man's land" as it can without being called to account by the others ; supports its own adventurers with all sorts of aid except regular forces, including interference with the transport of weapons ; and stands ready, if pressed, to employ all the usual diplomatic artillery. It is not, as a Power, un- reasonable, or even grasping—even Portugal, as a State, wishing not to be too eager—but still it backs its own people, and when they happen to include officers, or when the natives show symptoms of insurrection, feels compelled to make its backing very serious. Great Britain and Portugal, for example, have been very near war, and direct quarrels between the former Power and Italy have been avoided only by considerable concessions, made, as many think, at some expense to our character for keeping treaties with dark Emperors in their full meaning. Still, the Governments get along together, but, most unfor- tunately, their local agents and their peoples generally do not. The local agents, whether called Governors, Consuls, Commissioners, or explorers, are as jealous as young men in a ballroom, and as full of uneasy dignity as servants about their work ; while the merchant-adventurers who, in Africa now, as formerly in India, represent the European peoples, watch and suspect and undermine each other like American millionaires contending for the possession of monopolies. English, German, Italian, or Portuguese, nobody can move a step in East Africa without a shower of telegrams to the European capitals, each one of which is intended to warn some nation that its rights or its trade or its prestige, or all of them, are being filched away. The nations which read the messages as a rule do not under- stand them ; but classes within the nations do, and fall into a mood of angry suspiciousness which is of all moods the one most unfavourable to peaceful agreement. The British think they are being overreached, as, for example, by Emin. Pasha's expedition; the Germans think they are being ill-treated, as, for example, by Stanley and his friends ; and the Portuguese think they are suffering angels, bullied in a disgusting manner by those overbearing tyrants the English in East Africa. So exacerbated is local feeling already, that but for the fact that the Governments keep their heads, and know they have other interests than enriching dealers in ivory and oils, white men would be cutting each other's throats on the Zambesi, in Zanzibar, throughout the Lake region of Africa, and, if we are not misinformed, possibly even in Massowah ; and their Governments would be inditing the kind of despatches which usually precede and sometimes produce actual war.
It is quite evident that if occasions of quarrelling are to be avoided, the different Governments must keep the con- trol of East African affairs much more strictly in their own hands. The Foreign Secretaries are far more reason- able than their local agents ; less jealous than the chartered merchants, though diplomacy is a jealous pro- fession ; and not so much inclined to regard all quarrels as opportunities of distinction or gain. They are not so liable to lose their sense of proportion, and are aware that, after all, their Empires do not depend upon their dominions in East Africa ; and that to affront a great Power for the sake of some ivory, or even to maintain an uncertain claim to rule some savage tribe, cannot in the present competi- tion of nations be altogether wise. They are bound, too, by stricter rules of action than bind Colonial agents, and feel ashamed to depart even in words from well- understood laws of courtesy which greatly facilitate busi- ness. A diplomatist must have grave reasons for breaking those laws before he will incur the displeasure of his pro.. fession throughout Europe ; and, as a matter of fact, whatever his demands, he strives to deprive them of any tyrannical appearance. The Governments, therefore, ought to keep affairs fully under their own control, and especially to allow as little discretion as possible in resorting to arms. At present, they are almost permitting private war, not, indeed, among white soldiers, but among tribes which sometimes occupy very nearly the position either of depen- dent allies, or of irregulars partly obedient to the Governors, Consuls, or Commissioners. We are aware that this cannot be wholly prevented, the tribal feuds being too bitter, and it being often impossible, when a tribe is on the war-path, to await instructions from Berlin, or Lisbon, or London. Still, the Governments will be most unwise if they relax their control, and especially their control over the Chartered Companies which are at present invested, as Sir J. Fergusson admitted on Monday, with such very indefinite powers. Those Companies are seeking gain as well as political advantage, and are often greedy of territory to a dangerous degree. They would like complete monopolies in their own hands, and when they cannot get them, are very apt to seize on territory merely to enlarge their markets, and then look to their Governments for protection. If all subordinates are held well in hand, the Governments can agree among themselves, more especially if we English will only remember that we cannot avoid a conscription and still pretend to hold the whole world in our hands. The Portuguese were in Eastern Africa before we were ; we have agreed to admit the Germans as neighbours ; and we must just put up with the consequences of that state of affairs. It is much pleasanter to be alone, as we are in South Africa and Australia ; but we do not claim that position, and it is simply absurd to admit that Germany has rights like our own in East Africa, and then quarrel with her because she buys Emin Pasha, or tries to acquire territories we have not occupied. She is within her rights, and we are displaying a spirit of which, with our long history of success, we ought to be ashamed. We shall have quite as much of Africa as is good for us, without fretting like angry children over their share of jam.
It is, we suppose, nearly useless to make the suggestion, but it is a little painful to those who hold with us that Great Britain can do mankind a great service in Africa, to see a grand opportunity slip past our hands. We hold it to be nearly certain that within a short period the King of the Belgians must sell his rights over the Congo State. We do not believe that his Parliament will accept any share in his personal responsibilities, and if it does not, the burden of such a sovereignty will soon be too great for any Prince, however wealthy or determined. No individual can keep up an Army, even of black soldiers, or pay for a whole Civil Service, even of nondescript adven- turers. It is rumoured already that Leopold II. is anxious to sell his rights—which were confirmed by Europe in formal Conference—and if he would sell to us, what a means of escape that would be from a most difficult position ! We would not keep an acre of the State, or a right, except to navigate the Congo, but would exchange the whole territory, either with Germany, or, if that were inexpedient, with Portugal, thus remaining, either towards the South or towards the North, alone and unembarrassed in East Africa. We could then govern East Africa either from Mozambique or Mombassa, prohibit the sale of gun- powder and spirits throughout a vast region, and com- mence in earnest the task of reducing our millions of Negro subjects to a peaceful civilisation. No European State would be injured or despoiled or humiliated, and the world at large would be directly and permanently bene- fited. We suppose, as we said, it is useless to make the suggestion, because France would be madly jealous, she regarding herself as the reversionary heir of the Congo State ; but what a pity it seems ! We should all do so much better in Africa and for Africa, if we could only work alone, and were not compelled to watch each other like so many hounds all waiting for their share of a- fixed supply of food.
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