THE GOVERNING EMOTIONS OF EUROPE.
WE are all proud of Europe, its energy, its older, and its mental superiority, and we suppose, looking at the world as a whole, the pride is not entirely unreason- able. Europe is first among the continents, and this not only in physical force. We question, however, whether the historian of the future, if he knows his facts accurately and is impartial, will regard the last decade of the century as deserving of especial laudation. On the contrary, he will probably say that while individual industry, enter- prise, and ingenuity considerably advanced the well-being of mankind, the action of the nations was chiefly marked by jealousy almost beyond reason, and timidity almost in- consistent with character ; and it will be difficult to prove that he has been too severe. Europe is governed in the main by those evil weaknesses. The jealousy among the peoples in particular rises almost to a mania. It is posi- tively and directly impeding the work of civilisation in Egypt, in Morocco, on the Congo, on the Niger, in Eastern Africa, in Central Africa, and in Manchouria, and in- directly in South America, in New Guinea, and in the West Indies. In all those regions no European nation concerned can take any step, however needed or however beneficial, without fierce remonstrances from some other nation, and an awakening of jealousies so deep-seated that they lead to threats of war. No language is too strong to describe the jealousy of France as to the British advance into the desert, as to everything we do, or rather do not do, in Siam, or as to any question whatever which arises in Tangier. And even France is calm when compared with German agents in Zanzibar, or with the German Emperor when anything happens which arouses what may be called his prophetic jealousy as to the ownership of Delagoa Bay. Russia is more quiet, but she watches Great Britain everywhere with eyes that never sleep, while all the Powers, including even Austria, regard all questions affecting Turkey in the attitude of men who expect to see them- selves swindled while their rivals are aggrandised. By the consent of all the well informed, the entire mass of misery now existing throughout the old Western Empire of Rome could be brought to an end almost instantaneously but for the jealousies of the Powers as to the future dis- tribution of the territory. It is not true to say, as is sometimes said, that these jealousies are policies, or that the root of the evil is that the causes of quarrel are ques- tions almost of existence. The nations are just as jealous about trifles, are enraged if a rival gets a "concession," quarrel and intrigue over every possible new market, and go beside themselves if one of their rivals discovers a new gold-mine. Nor is it wholly true to say that the jealousies are confined to the Foreign Offices, which regard them- selves as trustees, and must raise disputes, if only about ancient lights, or easements, or rights of way. If the bulk of the peoples are still too ignorant to feel suspicious of national rivals, the newspapers must be to some extent in accord with their readers, and the newspapers, not ex- cluding our own, are just as full of jealousy as the Foreign Offices, comment with acridity on every step taken by a rival nation, as involving some threat in the future, and are full of fighting venom if France sends an officer into " Samory's country," or Russia hoists her flag on a square mile of territory on the coast of the Red Sea, or America vaguely" considers" the annexation of Hawaii. It is jealousy, and nothing better, which paralyses Europe in Turkey ; jealousy which prevents Europe from assuming a definite, permanent, and peaceful leadership in Asia and Africa ; jealousy which forbids such improvements in intercommunication as would really bind three of the continents together in close and civilising bonds. There is no railway, for example, between Europe and Southern Asia which would not excite a storm of diplomatic protests ; while even Russia, in her Northern loneliness, is half-afraid that the road which she is making for herself from the Baltic to the North Pacific, and which must one day extend from Hammerfest on the Atlantic to the Gulf of Pecheli, may be interrupted by threats of war. This jealousy, strong as it is and paralysing as are its effects, would not be so ruinous were it not sharpened by a strong admixture of fear. The nations seem wholly to have lost their old proud self-reliance. Every one of them anticipates invasion, possibly next week, certainly next year, and every one of them, except perhaps ourselves, arms itself to the utmost limit of its resources. The Continental world is positively crushed down with armaments ; every new discovery in explosives costs millions in new artillery and new rifles ; while the outlay on ironolads and quick-firing marine-guns advances as if the nations believed that the one which voted the last shilling must inevitably be the victor. We do not scruple to say that if the nations of Europe trusted one another as much as citizens trust one another when passing each other in the street, Europe could be relieved annually of a hundred millions of taxation, and two millions at least of white men could be released from unproductive and exceedingly painful labour. Not only can this not be done—not only, that is, cannot armies be reduced to reasonable proportions, say a hundred thousand men in barracks for every twenty-five millions of people—but so deep is the fear, so imperfect the self-reliance, that a change of the smallest moment in one country is instantly imitated in another ; that horses and guns are counted down to hall-dozens; that the portentous news, "Herr Krupp is making experiments," excites a thrill in half a dozen first-class capitals, and, if confirmed, will set all dealers in destructive chemicals agog. It is a certainty that if any one invented a rifle 10 per cent. better than those now used, the whole of Europe would adopt it, whatever the cost, and would believe sincerely that the Power which obtained its supply first would instantly invade the others, probably without a declaration of war. There is no confidence whatever that any State would have the fair play given, for instance, in the old prize-ring.; in- deed a quite considerable proportion of the taxes is expended on preparations for what is called "quick mobilisation," —that is, on readiness to strike before an enemy is ready, or to defend oneself against an unexpectedly sudden blow, which is so universally expected that there is throughout Europe, outside England, a popular readiness to hang spies. That single fact, that in every city of the Continent the rough populace will seize and maltreat or kill any strange artist seen sketching any portion of a fortress, is a measure of the depth of the fear which, how- ever it may be veiled, universally prevails. No people, though armoured to the teeth, feels any security, or appa- rently any of the pride which would have induced the fighting-men of old to abstain from complaints, to trust their defences, and to possess their souls in patience until the attack came. All Europe is in the state in which the women of our Southern counties were when Bonaparte was nightly expected to land, a state compounded of fury, nerves, credulity, and a very clear idea how terrible the results of an invasion actually would be. As to doing anything, such as restoring order in Turkey, which might involve risk of a quarrel, the nations regard such pro- posals either as lunacies or as an English farmer would regard a proposal to set fire to a cornfield because, from the shrieks, somebody appeared to be committing murder under shelter of the corn.
The cure ? The very worst of the situation is that there is no cure. There is no visible reason why it should not last for twenty years. The nations, though wearied and unhappy, can still struggle on ; they will not cease to be jealous unless by some miracle they should cease to be poor, and no means can be even suggested for relieving their fears. They cannot make their fortresses stronger, or their armies larger, or their rifles quicker than they are, or if they could, their rivals would at once have the same advantages. Statesmen have ceased even to discuss pro:. jects of disarmament, which, indeed, can have little reality when the whole civil population has become a drilled Army reserve, and a third of it could be summoned within a week to take the field. As to proposals for arbitration, they are regarded as fancies, as indeed they are till a tribunal is found strong enough to give a sanction to its decrees ; while as to a new law of war ensuring that time shall be given for defence, it is a useless dream of the philanthropists. The nations would not believe that in their case it would be obeyed. A war that would exhaust mankind until it would consent to a sullen peace is the only hope, and who that understands what the next war will be is able to accept that hope as a source of consolation ? Even the retrocession of Alsace-Lorraine would do little to eradicate suspicion, which the position of Turkey has recently deepened and made far more aggressive. Twenty- five years have not dulled the sense of dread in Germany and France, and we, at least, see no reason why it should grow dull even in a quarter of a century more. There is nothing for it but to endure and wait, and, if we can, to introduce some restrictions into our habitual glorification of the sense and moderation and civilisation of Europe. After all, if we have no faults we have at least weaknesses, and it is vain to deny that they cost a good deal. Imagine what we should think of a man who, in our day and in Europe, spent one half of his free income in paying a patrol to guard his house. Yet we are all doing that, and no one can prove clearly that the expense is not required.
Previous page
