NEWS OF THE WEEK.

ARUMOUR is current that the Chinese Government, after a vain attempt to induce the Japanese to grant delay in the payment of the indemnity, has renewed its application to Great Britain, offering rather better commercial terms, and that the offer has been accepted. We believe nothing from China till it is officially confirmed; but it will be remembered that Lord Salisbury differed from Mr. Balfour as to his idea that negotiations had ended. There is also a rumour—credited by M. de Blowitz—that the candidature of Prince George has been revived by Russia, and that he will be proclaimed Sovereign Prince of Crete on condition of resigning all claim to the Greek throne. We hope the story is true; and note also with pleasure another rumour that Bulgaria, deeply irritated by Turkish atrocities at Uskab, is preparing to mobilise her forces. A rush by a hundred thousand Bulgarians on Salouica, with Russia's full approval, would be a very different matter from the Greek war. The Bulgarians have Tartar blood in them, which makes for stubbornness.

The Daily Chronicle of Friday publishes a somewhat alarm- ing article on the West African situation. Little or no pro- gress appears to be made with the negotiations which are dragging on in Paris In a sense this is more in our favour than in that of France, for it enables us to make up for our previous indolence in the matter of "effective occu- pation." At the same time, it cannot be denied that the position is most critical, for in several districts armed French and British forces are confronting each other in territory the right to which is disputed. A rash act or the inability to make that nice distinction between what is offensive and what defensive action—the officers on each side have been ordered only to take defensive action—might fire the train. The kernel of the situation we take to be this. The French believe that it is essential for them to have Bonssa, and have taken it, though, judged by every possible test, Bonssa is curs. In order, if possible, to secure Bonssa, they have also taken aggressive action in various other places where our claims are possibly less absolute, in the hope that a general compromise may be arrived at which will give them Bonssa. Needless to say, it is impossible to yield to such pressure. The importance of West Africa may not be so great as is alleged. The need for meeting such tactics with the grimmest firmness cannot be exaggerated.

A terrible catastrophe, which might have had international consequences, occurred in the harbour of Havana at 9.45 on Tuesday night. The 'Maine,' a United States cruiser of nearly 6,000 tons, which has for some weeks been lying in the harbour, suddenly blew up. Most of the officers were on shore, and with two exceptions escaped, but 270 men were blown to pieces or drowned, and 115 more suffered

fearful wounds, their flesh in many cases being torn from their bones. The cruiser sank in a few minutes. The captain, Captain Sigsbee, was almost miraculously preserved, disci- pline was maintained to the end, and no blame of any kind attaches either to the Americans or to the official Spaniards of Havana, who instantly rendered every assistance. Nothing whatever is known of the cause of the explosion, a matter of much international importance, but the pro- bability is that it was due to some accident which fired a quantity of highly explosive gun-cotton on board. As this rushed into the air it again fired the large quantity of brown powder in the principal magazine (50,000 lb.), and then a smaller quantity of 5,000 lb., thus producing the three explosions to which the witnesses testify. The true cause will, perhaps, never be fully known; but the divers, who have been sent for, will be able to ascertain clearly whether the vessel can have been treacherously attacked from the outside, as in that case some of the plates would be driven inwards and not outwards.

The Americans, although greatly moved and full of distrust of all Spaniards, kept their heads on receipt of the intelligence, and, from the President downwards, agreed, like sensible men, to wait for the experts' evidence before imputing treachery. Treachery, in fact, is violently improbable. It is inconceivable that the Government of Cuba should have sanctioned a crime which would leave their country exposed to the wrath of the United States, without a defender in the civilised world, and it is believed that no private fanatic could have had sufficient means at his disposal. Individuals do not own torpedoes, or boatloads of dynamite either. If this belief should prove erroneous, a new horror will be added to the lives of all sailors in national ships. Already their danger from the stores of high explosives on board a man-o'-war is excessive, far greater than the danger of those who manned the old wooden ships ; and if any infernal machine exists which will fire those explosives from without while the ship is peacefully lying in port, exist- ence will for the imaginative become a misery. In any case, the necessity for care in the use of electric lights, gun-cotton, and inflammable paint must cause a strain upon man-o'-war's men which the mind is hardly competent to meet. It is just under such circumstances, as we see in all dangerous mines, that men take refuge in reckless carelessness, risking an ex- plosion of fire-damp or gun-cotton rather than delay a smoke.

The trial of M. Zola drags along, marked by interesting incidents but little progress. The Staff of the Army— through a witness, General Pellieux—have protested warmly against the insults thrown upon them, and the enmity between them and the Jews, and them and the Socialists, has become more marked than ever. Major Esterhazy, whom they are protecting, talks openly of the Jewish St. Bar- tholomew that is coming, and the houses of important members of the " persuasion " are rigorously watched and guarded. The Judge still forbids most of the witnesses to speak, and M. Zola's counsel still protests that military justice and civil justice are two different things. It is ad- mitted at last, however, that pieces of secret evidence, held to be conclusive, were shown to the Tribunal which tried Dreyfus, but not to him or his counsel. Nothing has as yet transpired as to the nature of this evidence, a statement by M. Millevoye (Socialist) that he had seen it, and that it consisted of a message from the Emperor William, being palpable nonsense. It is, however, now possible that the secret may be disclosed, the great officers being, as appeared from the evidence of General Pellieux on Thursday, sick of their position.

It is announced by telegram from Pretoria that President Kruger, having been re-elected by an immense majority, has summarily dismissed his Chief Justice, Mr. Kotze, and has appointed Mr. Gregorowski, a lawyer of the Orange Free State. The reason assigned is that Mr. Kotze had become "impossible," but the real reason is. of course, that Mr. Kotze Lolds that his Court has a right, like the American Supreme Court, to decide whether a law is or is not constitutional. President Kruger maintains the contrary idea, that a Judge may interpret the law, but if it is once passed he is bound to obey it, the effect being that when Executive and Legis- lature are in accord there is no appeal. As that is the English system, we do not know that it lies in our mouths to pronounce it tyrannical, but undoubtedly in a limited community, and under the circumstances of the Transvaal, it tends to tyranny, the President and his thirteen thousand burghers having the power to decree anything they please. The effect probably will be to strengthen the liberal burgher party, and compel its members to make terms with the Out- landers, without whose support they will be a powerless, and possibly an oppressed, minority. The English system only works smoothly when the absolute Legislature is backed by the irresistible physical force of the numerical majority.

We note with no little satisfaction a statement in the Westminster Gazette to the effect that the Government intend lo send Lord Balfour of Burleigla to India as Viceroy. We trust that the news may be true. Lord Balfour of Burleigh has shown himself a man wise and prudent in counsel, and we have little doubt that he would show the firmness and refusal to be rushed into big things by his subordinates without due deliberation, which are essential to a Viceroy. Lord Balfour is forty-nine, he is said to have shown marked capacity in regard to financial matters—a necessary qualification just now—and he has the prestige which Cabinet rank carries with it in India. A Viceroy who has been the colleague of the man who sends him orders is the better able, if occasion arises, to use his own judgment. It is possible, of course, that Lord Balfour would not leave England; but of all the names yet mentioned his is certainly the best.

On Friday, February 11th, Mr. Redmond moved an amend- ment to the Address in favour of "an independent Parlia- ment, and Executive responsible thereto for all affairs dis- tinctly Irish," declaring that this was the most urgent of all domestic questions. Mr. Redmond in the course of his speech had no sort of difficulty in doing what he set out to do. That was to put both the Liberal Home- rulers and the Anti-Parnellites in a "tight place." The alliance between the Nationalists and the Liberal party in 1886 "was based upon the clear and distinct pledge and condition that Home-rule should be put as the first item in the programme of the latter, and that, in the memorable words of Mr. Gladstone himself, it should block the way.'" That condition was violated when, on the accession of Lord Rosebery to power, Home-rule suffered from what was described by the right hon. Member for Montrose as the "temporary suspension of the prosecution of Home-rule." Sir William Harcourt's answer to Mr. Redmond we have dealt with at length elsewhere, and will only notice here that his peroration contained a tepid panegyric on "I do not say all the details, but the capital principles, of 1893, and, above all, the maintenance of the supremacy of the Imperial Parliament." In fact Sir William Harcourt some- what sulkily ran up the old flag of 1893 with an extra badge of " Supremacy " emblazoned across it.

Mr. Dillon's difficulties in following two such speeches may be imagined. They did not add to the lucidity or brilliance of his speech. He was prepared, he said, to state the position of the Irish party if that would ease the anxiety of Mr. Redmond. That position was that no candidate would get Irish support at the polls—and he thought they could control about thirty seats—unless they gave the priority pledge in regard to Home-rule. Mr. Balfour's reply was one of the happiest and also one of the most statesmanlike he has yet made. The Local Government Bill, he urged, was not a step towards Home-rule, but was introduced on its merits. As for the question of supremacy, it did not much interest him. There was no good in the "perfectly empty and futile sovereignty or supremacy" of the Bill of 1893. He had never concealed his opinion, which was "that if Home-rule

were granted—which heaven forbid—you had better make a good job of it at once and give them independence." The real and essential question before them was, however, "Where does Home-rule stand among the proposals of the Liberal party ? " Of course, no verbal answer was or ever will be given to that question; but for all that it is worth asking. In truth, Home-rule has become the skeleton in the Glad- stonian cupboard, though curiously enough it is a skeleton which people are always looking at and talking about, and producing for the edification of the guests at political dinners.. In the end Mr. Redmond's amendment was negatived by a majority of 168,-233 to 65.

The promised debate on the Indian Frontier War com- menced on Monday, and ended on Tuesday at midnight, the amendment which condemned the war being defeated by a strict party vote of 311 to 208. The unexpectedly large majority was due to the line taken by the Opposition, who hardly discussed the mismanagement of the war, but endeavoured to show that its inception was due to the- conduct of the present Government in keeping Chitral, which they themselves intended to evacuate, and to the construction of the road from Peshawur thither, which had alarmed the tribes for their independence. Mr. L. Walton, the- mover of the amendment, Sir Henry Fowler, Mr. Asquith, and Sir William Harcourt, all hammered away at this Parliamentary topic, the late Secretary for India alone rising to a general con- demnation of the conduct of the "Forward," or, as he described it, the " military " party, which he believed to be too strong in the Government of India. He would, he suggested, leave the Commander-in-Chief, as in this country, outside the Cabinet. Lord George Hamilton and Mr. Balfour necessarily answered the speakers on their own ground ; but Mr. Curzon, feeling, independent, delivered a brilliant speech, which is really a defence of the high Forward policy, and would practically lead us through Afghanistan to the Russian frontier.

No important outsider joined in the debate, and it hardly ever approached the actualities of the situation. In particular,. no one except Mr. Curzon approved or disapproved of the- threatened renewal of the campaign, that being apparently accepted with the stubbornness of our people as an unpleasing necessity. No one said anything original, and no one left the- impression that the debate was anything more than a trial of strength between the Government and Opposition, who, nevertheless, were not as to the future seriously disagreed. That is to say, the Indian Government is, after defeating the Afridis, to do as little as it can, and to leave the tribes to manage their own affairs in their own way. There was an obvious reluctance on both sides to criticise the Government of India, though Sir H. Fowler censured Sir George White„ the local Commander-in-Chief, for his public display of Jingoism ; and, altogether, matters were left almost exactly where they were. There was more in Lord Salisbury's short, answer to Lord Kimberley, with its regret for the necessity of punishing "these splendid tribes," than in the whole dis- cussion in the Commons, which was obviously, almost painfully, perfunctory. Debates have a different tone from this one when the country is really excited.

On Wednesday the subject of Irish University educa- tion came before the House of Commons on the Motion of Mr. Dillon. The demand he put forward on behalf of the Roman Catholics appears to us most reasonable and natural when considered from their point of view. It is not our point of view in regard to University education, but that is not the question. Since they honestly and sincerely say that they cannot avail themselves of University education as it is. organised in Ireland to-day, it is our business to give them a University which they can use. Mr. Dillon's demand was not for a purely and exclusively Catholic University, but in effect for one which should possess a Catholic, just as Trinity College possesses a Protestant, atmosphere. Mr. Lecky, whose handling of this difficult problem is always marked by great good sense and discretion, supported Mr. Dillon, practically on the wise and just ground that our object should be to give the Irish Roman Catholics not the best form of University, but the best form which they can use. Mr. Balfour closed Wednesday's debate by a speech, the courage and frankness of which were beyond praise. One point of real importance he

drove home with special force. Unionists claim that the Parliament at Westminster can and will give the Irish majority everything for which they can fairly and justly ask. But, said Mr. Balfour, though this was true of the great body of questions, he was forced "reluctantly and with grief" to admit that it was not true of the Irish University question. He could not, however, solve the question till he had converted the party to which he belonged. "But what a condemnation to this party to confess that we cannot deal with this .question ? " We of course agree that Mr. Balfour cannot smash his party for this cause, but we venture to doubt whether the opposition in the Unionist ranks is not greatly exaggerated. The vast majority of Unionist Mem- bers are, we believe, entirely of Mr. Balfour's way of thinking, but, unfortunately, they imagine an ideal anti-Popery voter in some villa in their constituency, and before him they bow in terror. In our opinion, he is a creature of the brain, or if he exists in real life, he is a member of the Liberation Society.

On Thursday the University debate was resumed. Mr. 'Courtney, though not so zealous as Mr. Balfour, made a moat useful speech. Though a believer in undenominational University education, he was in favour of a democratic Catholic University with an open door. If, said Mr. Courtney, you start, as you must start, no doubt, with .a governing body exclusively Catholic, and at the same time provide that all its examinations, teachings, and prizes shall be open to every one, and if, in fact, you make a democratic Catholic University open to democratic Catholic influences, "then I think we may see our way to light and some solution of the difficulty." But we take it, provided that they start with a really Catholic atmosphere, the Irish Bishops would not object to some plan of this kind. Mr. Morley followed Mr. Courtney in a speech which showed courage and sincerity, for Mr. Morley in supporting a Catholic University has greatly annoyed a section of the Nonconformists. This was shown by the speech of Mr. Perks, whose attitude, as Mr. Knox wittily 'remarked, was really that of a sort of Nonconformist Pope. Mr. Lloyd George was quite violent. The Nonconformists were, he said, determined to oppose the creation of a Catholic University, no matter from what side of the House the pro- posal came. The attitude of these gentlemen and their fol- lowers is truly astonishing. They are prepared to put the .lives and property of all the Irish Protestants at the disposal of a Roman Catholic Irish Parliament, and to give that body the practical, if not the nominal, power to deal with education as it chooses, and yet they will not themselves allow the -establishment of a University with a Catholic atmosphere. In the end Mr. Dillon's Motion was withdrawn. It was sig- nificant that no English supporter of the Government de- nounced the proposal for which Mr. Balfour pleaded so 'eloquently. Depend upon it, the English opposition, on the Unionist side, is a pare bogey.

Mr. Asquith has been converted to the Referendum. In his speech to the Eighty Club on Tuesday night he declared that what was wanted was a state of things under which both the administrative policy of the Government and legislative provisions of Parliament should reflect the settled will of the nation. One method of bringing about the desired result was the Referendum.—Why should not Mr. Asquith use English words and call it a poll of the people ?— Under the Swiss form of Referendum laws which altered the Constitution were "referred," but we have no distinc- tion between constitutional and other laws. "But the Swiss had also invented another form of Referendum which could be rendered operative at the request of a -certain number of citizens, or of a certain number of the cantons." It had for some time past seemed to him, said Mr. Asquith, that it was at least worthy of consideration whether a solution of our present constitutional difficulties might not be found in some modified application of the principle of the Referendum. As our readers know, we have long advocated some form of popular veto on our laws in order that important legislation might not be passed by chance majorities or by a log-rolling intrigue. The practical plan would be to make a poll of the people operative either when the two Houses dis- agreed as to legislation, or when, even if both Houses agreed,

one thousand electors in not less than, say, four hundred constituencies petitioned for a poll on a certain measure.

Two deaths have occurred this week, of interest if not of importance. Bishop Selwyn, head of Selwyn College, Cambridge, died at Pan on Saturday, from the effects of the malarious fever which attacked him when he was Bishop of Melanesia, and practically broke a career of singular promise. Of all the men this writer ever met—now a very long list—Bishop Selwyn had the greatest personal charm. He was, in fact, a very rare character ; a competent administrator, a man who well knew his world, and yet a man in whom the beauty of holiness was recognised by the least observant. He is a real loss to the Church, in which, had he not lost his health, be might have risen to a very high place. Sir James Stansfeld, who died on Thursday at the age of 78, was also a separate character. He was a determined Radical with a sweet nature,—not a common combination. He was not a great statesman, but he was a thoroughly con- vinced man, and had the firmness and decision which convic- tion always should, but does not always, produce. A curious notion prevailed in London, and once or twice stood in Mr. Stansfeld's way, that he was a " self-made " man. He was in reality a long-descended man, head of a family which, though never very important, was as old as any in Yorkshire.

A trial which has interested London society ended on Tuesday. Lord William Nevill, fourth son of the Marquis of Abergavenny, now head of the great house to which the Kingmaker belonged, was accused, as our readers will recollect, of defrauding Mr. Spender Clay of £11,000, by inducing him to sign promissory notes under the false pretence that they were confidential documents. Mr. Clay, who cannot be very wise, actually signed the docu- ments without reading them, and when all but the space for the signa ture was covered up. The Lord Chief Jus- tice, in the civil suit for the value of the notes, held that this was forgery, but in the criminal trial the charge of forgery was withdrawn, and only that of fraud remained. To this the accused pleaded "Guilty," and Mr. Justice Lawrance, in a severe speech during which he said that the gilded youth, if they did not preserve their honour, should at least preserve their honesty, sentenced him to five years' penal servitude. The sentence was unexpectedly severe, but the case was an unusually bad one, Lord William Nevill having made a close friend of a man fourteen years younger than himself, and then plundered him. The cadets of great houses, when they are bad, are always worse than the average, energy lasting after character has rotted, and smart society will be the better for this distinct warning that no position will pro- tect those who break the law.

On Saturday last Lord Peel and Mr. Morley made speeches at the opening of the Passmore Edwards Settlement in Tavistock Place, a University Settlement after the Toynbee Hall model, which owing to Mr. Passmore Edwards's liberality has been lodged in a building of remarkable charm and interest. The architects, Mr. Smith and Mr. Brewer, have not had any money to waste on ornament, but the handling of their material has been excellent. Mr. Morley in his speech pointed out that in modern cities there were two great problems to be grappled with,—how to govern them and how to humanise them. What struck him in all these Settlements, said Mr. Morley, was their freedom. The danger of Churches is formalism, of State action officialism, "and the drawback of many modern ideas was that they rest upon materialism and a soulless secularism." "From all this unhappy brood of 'isms' you in a Settlement of the kind are wholly free. Formalism, materialism, mechanism, are re- duced to their minimum, and sentimentalism, which is no very good 'ism,' I take it, is altogether excluded."

The election to fill the vacancy in Pembrokeshire caused by the resignation of Mr. W. Rees Morgan Davies, took place on Tuesday. The result was the return of the Home- rule candidate, Mr. Wynford Philipps, by a majority of 1,664. In 1895 the Home-rule majority was 580, and in 1892 1,100. The election makes no change in the balance of parties.

Bank Rate, 3 per cent.

New Consols (2!) were on Friday, 112k.