FRANCE
Timetable for Europe
MARC ULLMANN
Paris—It is almost as if Kosygin had taken over directly from Stalin. In his well-pressed
navy blue suit M Pompidou appeared be- fore his first press conference last week every inch the managing director. But when it came to foreign policy the shadow of the General hung over the great conference hall of the Elys6e Palace. M Pompidou was distinctly cautious. He gave an impression almost of boredom, and, whether by des- ign or force of habit, he borrowed even the expressions which we learned to know so well from de Gaulle.
Thus when asked about the British bid to enter the Common Market he stated blandly that 'we have no objection in principle . . .' But 'it is desirable that the Six should first agree amongst themselves . . . on the consequences . . for the very nature of the Community'. Each one of these phrases has figured in the Gaullist vocabulary for two years now. We have heard them from the General himself; we have heard them from M Couve de Mur- ville. So we ask ourselves: is French foreign policy totally unchanged? Or is M Pompidou simply using the old and hallowed phrases to mask from the faithful the fundamental reorientation of objectives?
In fact, M Pompidou is no fanatical European but he is anxious not to throw overboard anything that the construction of an integrated Europe might offer of benefit to the French economy. It is a prosaic approach: the new President leaves idealism and generosity to others. The problem of British entry is made sub- ordinate to the resolution of a number of more banal matters. Hence his attempt to suggest to France's partners a rough time- table along the following lines: (1) entry into the 'definitive stage' of the Common Market on 1 January, 1970, in- volving the establishment of permanent rules for the financing of the common agri- cultural policy.
(2) the 'reinforcing' of the Common Market by its extension to embrace co-operation in all the fields where there is an identifiable community of economic interest. M Pompi- dou suggested 'scientific research, power supplies, transport, patents, corporate law, financial and monetary policy', and em- phasised that his list was not exhaustive.
(3) the 'enlargement' of the Common Market to include Britain and other countries, provided that preliminary studies have shown that such an enlargement would not be prejudicial to the interests of the Community. These studies could, if it were so desired, start right away.
It was left to M Maurice Schumann, the new Foreign Minister, to embellish these somewhat shop-soiled goods with some bright new packaging. And up to a point he has succeeded. Thus on meeting Herr Willy Brandt, his German colleague, for the first time in his new role. he was prepared to admit that 'it was not im- possible' that de Gaulle's government may have suffered from certain unfavourable prejudices concerning British entry. If such prejudices did exist, then they were things of the past. Herr Brandt reserved his comments; but he seemed to be con-
vinced at least of the Frenchman's good faith. Mr Josef Luns, whom M Schumann is receiving on Thursday, may not be quite so easy to convince. The Dutchman evi- dently fears being led up the garden path once more. If he agrees to conclude the agricultural arrangements before any undertaking of future good conduct is provided by the French government he will be in danger of throwing away his principal bargaining counter in advance. Hence he is determined to obtain, at the very least, a `declaration of intent'.
This could lead to deadlock. Unless, per- haps, in the end a timetable might be agreed according to which the 'preliminary studies' the French are demanding would have to be completed before the end of this year and before the coming into force of the agricultural financing arrangements in their final form. This seems to be the strategy of M Jean Rey, the President of the Brussels Commission: and he is determined to do all in his power to pull it off.
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