NEWS OF THE WEEK.

THE KING.

Tun King's indisposition has taken a turn, which has delighted many, and astonished all. We cannot anticipate, at his years and with his complaints, a remission of the final sentence ; but that he has been favoured with a respite, the duration of which may extend to days, to weeks, to months even, there is no reason for doubting. The symptoms of abatement in his Majesty's com- plaint were distinctly apparent last week, and they have continued during almost the whole of this. The process of stamping a number of documents was performed in the Royal presence on Wednesday, and his Majesty conversed long and familiarly with his royal and noble visitants on the same day. Some slight fatigue was the natural consequence of such continued exertion ; which was relieved by the best of all means, sound and un- disturbed slumber. On the previous day, it is said, the King, amused himself, as he used to do when in good health, with in- specting a number of his tradesmen's bills ! This voluntary recurrence to a customary employment, is more decidedly indica- tive of a body at ease than a hundred bulletins. Preparations are said to be making for the removal of the Royal patient from tha ftnola to Windsor Cottage; nor, if the present favourable symptoms continue, would there be any ground for apprehension from such a removal.

The partial recovery of his Majesty tends to produce some small embarrassment among those who calculated on a different event, and who have been somewhat hasty in their preparations for its coming. The ladies and gentlemen Who had provided themselves with mourning, must save their suits of wo, unless some more humble call of mortality unhappily justify the exhibition of sables at Midsummer. The medallist must return his metal to the cru- cible, and the engraver must lay his plate on the shelL Those of our contemporaries .ho were so forward to furnish us with "lives of the King,' must contrive to keep their types standing. They have calculated in haste on the " embarrassments " of the Sove- reign; they can now calculate at leisure on their own. It is not unpleasant to see the penny-a-line spirit which seeks to convert the dying couch of a great monarch into an instrument of dirty gain and small puffery, overleaping itself, and wriggling in the kennel amidst the contempt of the respectable and the laughter of the vulgar.. There is a more consequential, we cannot say a more dignified class, whom the Sovereign's revival equally puzzles,—men who soar far above the saving of remnants of ribbons or embroidered vests, or the making of pennies by sculp- tured and scribbled caricatures of majesty. The great political parties, of whom but a short week ago so much was said and so much anticipated, are falling asunder before they are half formed. The big voice of the leaders is degenerating into child- ish treble, and the fidelity of the followers waxeth feeble. BULLETINS OF Tun WEEK. "Wino? Castle, June I3.—The King has been less incommoded than usual in his respiration, and his Majesty has passed a good night." "Windsor Castle, June 14.—The King passed yesterday very com- fortably. His Majesty has not hada good night. His respiration remains more free."

"Windsor Castle, June 15.—The King has passed a very good night. His Majesty's res, iration continues easy, and he feels better.' "Windsor Castle, June 16.—The King has passed another good night, and continues to find his respiration less impeded." "Windsor Castle, Iune.17.—The King has slept well. His Majesty's respiration continues less embarrassed."

"Win Calle, June I8.—The King slept at intervals last night. In other respects, his Majesty remains in the same state." "Windsor Castle, June 19.—The King has not slept well. His Majesty, has found his respiration more difficult from time to time in the night."

The 'attention Of the House of Commons was called on Monday to the state of the West Indian interest, and to a change proposed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer in the existing duties on Sugar, and the previously-announced duties on Rum and British Spirits ; on Tuesday, to the Methuen Treaty, and Sierra Leone; on Thursday, to a variety of matters, comprehending New Churches, New South Wales, and the Court of Chancery ; and on Friday. to the proposed changes in the Judicatures of Scotland and Wales.

The war against Lord ABERDEEN which the Marquis of LONDONDERRY and Lord HOLLAND have lately carried on, is be- ginning to flag a little ; and the Upper House is, in consequence, losing the only interest which it has for a long time possessed. Our Colonies, and the various interests which they involve, have gradually forced themselves upon the notice of the Legis- lature. The state of Sierra Leone, and the necessity of retaining that region of pestilence, have been referred to a Committee of In- quiry. The Chancellor of the Exchequer's ways and means are once more unsettled : he proposes now to lower the duties on sugars of a certain description ; and, to convince the distillers here and in the West Indies that their interests are equally dear to him, he further proposes to equalize the additional daties on rum and British spirits. Mr. GOULBURN'S head, we may remark, is none of the clearest ; and Mr. Husiossox has contrived to embroil the Minister with the Merchant in a question relative to the new scale of sugar-duties. Certain explanations, however, are in reserve, before which, he assures us, all difficulties are to vanish.

Sir ROBERT PEEL has at length declared that a reform in the House of Commons is indispensable. Habits of speech-making have spoiled it thrall decent Ministerial uses ; and the Secretary of State for the Home Department has no remedy but to rail in good set terms at the march of intellect.

1. BRITISH CONNEXION WITH PORTUGAL. Mr. HYDE VIL- Lolls moved for " extracts of Reports by the Lords of Trade, in the year 1767, respecting the Oporto Wine Company ; a copy of Lord Strangford's Memorial in 1808, with the answer to it ; a copy of the Treaty of 1820; copies of the diplomatic Corre- spondence that ensued; and, finally, a return of the Exports and Imports from Portugal and the Brazils, from the year 1800 to the present time." Mr. Villiers stated that there were two points to which he meant 'to call the attention of the House—the Methuen Treaty, concluded in 1703; and the last Commercial Treaty, con- cluded at the Brazils in 1810. These treaties had been incalculably 'injurious both to this country and to Portugal. The Methuen treaty had given birth to a monopoly which was enjoyed by what was termed the Oporto Company. Up to the present hour the same company existed, with the same powers—the same oppression of our trade=the same violation of treaties. The Company had drawn all arbitiary,line of demarcation, a few leagues in extent, in the neighbour- hood of Oporto. Instead of the British trader being allowed to buy his wine in any port of Portugal, be was compelled to take it from this dis- trict; although it was notorious,that much of the wine produced in that district was of an inferior quality, while much of the wine elsewhere was first-rate. But that was not all. At the general sale of the Company's wines, which took place on one day, the wines were arranged in two classes, the one under the title of aprorado, the other under that of sepa- rado ; and no one was allowed to purchase the former, without buying a• correspondent quantity of the latter. The consequence was, that the wine brought to this country was mixed and adulterate& The Company not only purchased bad wine in Portugal for the purpose of selling it in this manner ; but disposed in the same way of all the wastage of their cel- lars. One fact would show the extent of the adulteration which was the result. In one year 135 pipes of port wine were imported into Guernsey from Portugal ; and in the same year 2,545 pipes of what was called port wine, were landed in the London Docks from Guernsey. The white wines which used to be drunk in this country, were almost extirpated, and the deficiency was made up by the labours of a class of persons known by the name of wine-brewers. On an average of nine years, the yearly importa- tion of French and Rhenish wine was 1,364 pipes, that of Cape wine 2,434 pipes. It was worth observing, that the wines of Portugal had never re- covered their value in the foreign market, since the establishment of the Company in question ; that when the trade was opened with Brazil, their exports fell a fourth ; and that last year, while their exports to this country amounted to 17,950 pipes, their exports to all the rest of the world amounted to only 1,232 pipes. Previous to the provisions and restric- tion; of the 'Methuen Treaty, there was every reason to believe that French wine was a common beverage in this country. In some of the old charters, the price was stated at sixpence or eightpence a gallon. A single fleet of two hundred sail was stated to have gone to Bordeaux to load with wines. They read of 400 pipes being consumed in the reign of Henry IV. on the enthroning of an Archbishop. The Earl of Shrewsbury, when Queen Mary was committed to his charge, consumed four pipes a month. Previously to 1695, the average annual importation of French wine was 13,401 tuns; at present it was only 403. By the Methuen Treaty, the importation of French wine fell to 139 pipes, while that of Portuguese' wine was raised to 8,445 pipes. Good and wholesome wine had thus been charged for what was frequently a vile and deleterious compound, and all to support the Portuguese monopoly. The Methuen Treaty professed to be a treaty of reciprocity. Obstructieas, however, had been repeatedly thrown in the way of the importation of Our woollens in Portugal. That was the reward which we had received for our sacrifices. The Methuen Treaty had been one of the greatest obstacles to the extension of our commerce with France, He begged to call the attention of the House.

to the present state of that commerce, and to compare it with our commerce with other nations. The general amount of our imports in 1829 was 34,232,000/., and of our exports 52,938,6891.. Of that amount the imports from France were only 1,203,8441., and the exports to France 1,227,887/. Let that be compared with the state of our trade with the United States ; making allowance for the disproportion of popu- lation, that of the United States not exceeding ten or twelve millions. The imports from the United States averaged something more than three millions, while the exports were upwards of six millions. Thus it ap- peared the exports to America were nearly six times the value of those to France ; while it was evident, from the great superficial extent of France, extending from the British Channel to the Mediterranean, that it should offer us the most beneficial market in the world. We complained of the unfortunate state of our iron trade, yet iron was a commodity needed in France, and which might well be taken in exchange for her wines, which formed the basis of her commerce, employing, as it did, five millions of acres, and one-tenth of the population, and returning annually twenty- four millions sterling. We were told of the exclusive advantages derived from our commercial relations with Portugal. He trusted those would be fully explained, and thatthey would be shown to be adequate to the onerous nature of our relations with that country. He certainly did not think that this connexion was of the valuable nature it was described to be. Portugal was not now the Portugal with which England had contracted the Methuen Treaty. It was no longer Portugal with the Brazils—it was Portugal Proper only ; which might be seen entombing the wretched re- mains of its former inhabitants, with its throne usurped and its territory rendered desolate by the most odious despotism. Its population—at the utmost three millions—was, if not decreasing, stationary.Internal com- merce it had none, from want of the necessary communications ; while its foreign commerce was daily falling more and more into decay, the kingdoin not having a sufficient naval force to defend it against the com- mon pirate.

Mr. P. COURTENAY was very much disposed to agree with Mr. Villiers in most of his conclusions. No doubt could be entertained that this country was at liberty to revise the Methuen Treaty; and whenever our relations with Portugal should be re-established, the task should be undertaken. Mr. Courtenay- had no objection to give extracts from the Papers and Reports of the Lords of Trade in 1767, and the remonstrance of Lord Strangford in 1 81 3, toge- ther with the answer to it from the Portuguese authorities ; but he did not think it would be advisable to bring forward the remaining papers, as it was not usual to produce diplomatic correspondence, excepting such portions as related to a special point. Mr. ROBINSON could not agree in the condemnation of the Methuen Treaty. Mr. HUSICISSON concurred in the opinion that the Methuen Treaty should be put an end to. He had a different opinion, how- ever, of the treaty of 1 8 1 O. He thought the Methuen Treaty was disadvantageous to England ; but touching the other treaty, he thought that, under the peculiar relations we held with the House of Braganza at that period, we rather ungenerously imposed conditions which were exceedingly onerous to Portugal. By one condition of that treaty, Portugal bound herself to receive all denomina- tions of the manufactured articles of this country at a duty not exceeding 15 per cent. Now he must say, that when we received nothing from them but their wine, it was scarcely fair to expect that they should take all our manufactured articles at this duty. His opinion was, that there should be a fair reciprocity of interests in all cases of commercial intercourse ; and that it was improper and injust, and as impolitic as unjust, in astrong country, to impose onerous conditions upon a weak one. The natural consequence of this conduct was a desire upon the part of the Portuguese to evade the provisions of this treaty, and to devise means for obtaining those advantages of which it went to deprive them. Many were the means applied to this end, and amongst the rest, that most gross and abo- minable monopoly called the Oporto Wine Company, in which persons of the highest weight, and rank, and power in the country were engaged. This Company it was that decided how much wine we should receive from Portugal in any given year ; and he was sure he was not making any over- statement, when he declared that we were put to an additional expense of 10/. or 12/. a pipe, arisinc, out of this monopoly. For besides deter- mining the quantity, this arising as traders, selected such pipes as they wished to reserve for themselves, leaving the English merchants and others to compete for the remainder as best they might. And even after all this, the English merchant was unsupplied: he could not, like the Swede or Russian, purchase without their permission. Thus, it appeared, respecting this favourite beverage, as it was called, that we had no liberty of choosing for ourselves, but were obliged to depend upon the taste of the Oporto Wine Company. The motion was finally agreed to, without a division. 2. GREECE. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY, after stating that the papers already on the table of the House were by no means full enough to satisfy the doubts which he entertained as to the sentiments of Austria and Prussia on the matters connected with Greece, moved "for a copy of Sir Edward Codrington's letter to the Lord High Admiral, dated the 26th of July 1828; and also his letter to Sir Henry Wellesley, dated the 12th of October, 1828." The Earl of ABERDEEN observed, that if due notice had been given, he should have been prepared to give an answer as to whether or not there existed any objection to the production of these papers. Lord HOLLAND expressed doubts of the sincerity of Austria. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY appealed to Lord Aberdeen, in candour, whether he had not the other day promised certain papers which he had since refused. (Cries of" Order.") The Earl of ABERDEEN denied having made any such promise. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY should be careful not to fall into such a mistake again. For his own part, he differed from the Noble Baron opposite—he was a Turk, and the Noble Baron a Greek ; still he hoped there might be harmony between them.

3. EXPENDITTJRE OF THE BRITISH AMERICAN COLONIES. In a Committee of Supply, Mr..DAwsort moved "that a sum, not exceeding 10,4451., be granted to his Majesty for defraying the Civil Establishment of Nova Scotia, from the 1st day of January to the 31st day of December, 1830." Mr. HUME opposed the motion. The colony of Nova Scotia had a Parliament of its own, which was 'quite disposed to pay all the expenses of the establishments of the colony, provided the British Government and Parliament would not interfere in its affairs, but would allow,it tO,uppropriate the money according to its own judgment.

In consequence of the interference of the Governor and Council with the House of Representatives, the latter had been dissolved, the revenue bills remaining unpassed. The difference between governors had been most strongly exemplified at Nova Scotia. Sir James Kempt had held the government for thirteen years, and had conducted himself so well, that not a single complaint was preferred against him. When the Earl of Dal- housie, however, became the governor, he nearly threw the colony into a state of civil war. All that was wanted was to leave the colony alone, and to abstain from all injudicious meddling. The Government of this country were endeavouring to carry on the government of the colony on principles similar to those which had led to the revolution in America.

Mr. Hume concluded by moving that 4,445/. be substituted for

1 0,4 4 5 /.

Mr. LABOUCHERE confirmed Mr. Hume's; statements as to Lord Dalhousie's misconduct.

Sir GEORGE MURRAY defended the establishments of Nova Scotia.

Mr. ROBINSON wished to ask why 1,500/. a-year was to be voted for the encouragement of the fisheries in Nova Scotia, which was an agricultural country, while Newfoundland, which was devoted to the fisheries, was left to struggle on without assistance ? Sir H. PARNELL observed, that 5,0001. had been voted for the improvement of private property in the colony, and now the money of the people of England was to be expended in maintaining its establishments. He contended that the revenue of the colony alone should be applied to the purposes of the colony. Mr. M. FITZGERALD defended the encouragement which had been held out to the fisheries of Nova Scotia.

For the amendment, 5 9 ; against it, 107. The sum of 3,600/. was, alter some opposition from Mr. HUME, voted for the Civil Establishment of New Brunswick.

The sum of 4,000/., for the Civil Establishment of Bermuda, was agreed to. On the resolution for granting 3,820/. for the Civil Establishments at Prince Edward's Island, Mr. ROBINSON observed, that there were two new items in the estimate of this year. The first was a pension to the late Governor of 500/. a-year ; and the other a charge to the same amount for the arrears of that salary. He wanted to know what those arrears were ?

Sir G. MURRAY said, that this pension had been assigned on a fund which had since been unproductive. That fund- was the quit-rents of the colony, which had not been paid up. Mr. W. HonToN said the quit-rents could not be paid in the present state of the colony. If the colony had an adequate popu- lation they might be paid. At present there were tens of thou- sands of acres unproductive in it, for want of a population. Mr. HUME thought the Government had been highly 1,1..i11ea1jIe to assign a pension on a fund which they must have known would be unproductive ; as, according to Mr. W. Horton, the island possessed no people to pay the quit-rents. The whole system was a farce, and the Government which had assigned a pension on such a fund, ought to pay the arrears out of their own pockets. Let them take the island and make what they could of it ; he made them a present of it, provided they took the charges with it. Mr. D. W. HARVEY observed, that the present discussion would furnish the opportunity of examining into the proverbial corruption of the Colonial Administration, and show us the cause of that fondness with which the Government adhere to the Colonies.

"We ought to know, Sir, why the Colonial system, after all that has been said about it, is thus pursued. We ought to be informed what is the amount of these quit-rents. But, above all, we have a right to know who has had the audacity to deal with these quit-rents without the assent of Parliament. These quit-rents are public money. They are as much

public money as the revenue of the Crown Lands, and ought in the same way to be accounted for. But then, it is said that there is nothing public in this colony, for that there is no population in it. Indeed There are all the elements of an expensive Government : there is a Governor with a salary of 1,500/. a-year—there is a Chief Justice with 1,000/. a-year. Surely there can be no need of administering justice where there are no people to require it. But then there is another officer, whose existence announces a high state of refinement in society—I mean the Attorney- General. (Laughter.) Why, if there are no people, there can be no libels; and who can want an Attorney-General if there are no libels? (Loud laughter.) I say, Sir, from these facts, it seems clear that in this colony

there is every thing to constitute a colony but the people. But if there

are no people, there can be little reason to pay a present or to pension a late Governor. I know nothing of this gentleman : his services may have

been of the most meritorious kind ; but I must ask again, who has had the audakity thus to deal with the public money, without the consent of Parliament ?"

Sir G. MURRAY said, that in 1826, the revenues of the colony were estimated at 9,694L; and in 1828, they were estimated at 6,676/. so that the revenues have been greatly overrated. Mr. 1VIABERLEV said that the point was not saiisfactorily made out to him, and he should therefore move, that the vote be re- duced by 3,800/. Sir R. PEEL said, that his right honourable friend proposed that there should be in all future years a Colonial Budget: if the practice that prevailed was a wrong one, at all events it had pre- vailed for many years ; and what more could his right honourable friend say than that he would do all he could in future to set the thing on a right footing? Mr. BROUGHAM said that he did not see distinctly the state of the fact on which this pension had been granted. The power of that House to deal indirectly with those funds undouttedly ex- isted, but they could not do that without communication with the Colony. The defence for this pension was rested on its being charged on the quit-rents ; but he wished to know what was the state of that fund at that time. Was it a real fund, or vt as it only ideal ? The best way of settling that was to state what that fund yielded for the two years before the pension was granted. If it yielded 500/. at that time, the pension was well and gocd ; but if, as he suspected, it turned out that it was not producing five hun- dred farthings, what right had the Crown, in this roundabout way, to grant a pension which must ultimately be paid by the people of this country? Mr. WILMOT HORTON said that he would give the best answer he could, but be begged to say that he was not responsible for the pension. As far as he could remember, he was able to say that the fund was a producing fund ; but if he were asliecl whether there was at that time a surplus for the payment of the 5001., he answered unequivocally, Not. But at the same time he as un- equivocally stated, that the transaction was a bontl pie one, and that it was then fully expected that the quit-rents would be suffi- cient for the object.

For the amendment, 79; against it, 176.

The sums of 11,261/. for Newfoundland, of 10,1801. for Sierra Leone, of 3,3011. for Fernando Po, and of 4,600/. for Cape Coast Castle, were then agreed to.

The sum of 16,182/. for propagating the Gospel in our Colonies was, after a keen opposition from Lord Howicx, Mr. GORDON, 'Mr. HUME, Mr. LABOUCHERE, and Mr. O'CoNNELL, carried.

On the next resolution, "That a sum of 47,500/. be granted to pay for presents to American Indians, and for the expenses of maintaining liberated Africans at Sierra Leone," Mr. LABOU- CHERE said, that the American States had determined to put an end to the system of employing the Indians as auxiliaries in war, and he hoped it was the intention of the Government to fol- low their example.

Sir GEORGE MURRAY said, the Indians were not only very expen- sive, but very useless auxiliaries in modern warfare ; and it was the determination of the Government to put an end to the whole system connected with their employment in any case as soon as possible.

4. SIERRA LEONE. Mr. Hymn moved, as a resolution, that it was expedient to adopt measures for withdrawing the settle- ment of Sierra Leone.

Sierra Leone, he observed, was in a most peculiar situation. It was not a colony planted by this country for purposes of commerce, nor to furnish the means of existence to our surplus population ; it was an esta- blishment founded with the most benevolent views that could ever be entertained by any set of men; it was founded with the pure purpose of improving the condition of the native population of that part of Africa, and of preventing the continuance of the odious and inhuman traffie-in slaves. But there was another respect in which the colony was pecu- liarly situated. It lind now existed somewhat more than forty years ; during the first twenty of which, namely, from 1787 to 1807, it existed as a private establishment ; and at that time it was given up to the Govern- ment, and had been in their possession ever since. It was impossible to look at all the circumstances connected with the establishment of this colony, without being sensible of the obstacles that would arise to the removal of the evils that now existed there, and that rendered the colony undeserving of longer support.

The object of the African Society was, as he had described it, most benevolent—it was to enlighten the minds of the African people, and to establish such a commerce among them as would enable them to put an end to the slave trade. He was sorry to say that that object had failed. Various statements had been made with respect to the condition of the colony ; and the variety of these appeared to him the only reason that could be assigned for the difference of opinion as to the propriety of abandoning it. Mr. Hume read a number of these different statements ; and then observed, that the air of the colony was as pestilential as at .ts first establishment. The fact of the evils now existing, and the prolof that they were necessarily incidental to the place itself, could be found in the accounts of General Turner, whose statements on the subject were in some instances so dreadful, that he would not shock the House by reading them. The colony had, besides, been a source of immense ex- pense to the country ; but he would do the present Secretary for the Co- lonies the justice to say, that within the last few years the utmost desire for economy had been exhibited, so far at least as was compatible with the pursuit of the means adopted for the benefit of the colony. After dwelling upon the fearful mortality that prevailed in Sierra Leone, Mr. Hume begged to ask, Why was such a colony to he kept up ? Be could not conceive the answer to the question. He knew, indeed, that some person: said it should be kept up for the sake of commerce. Ile would now see how far such a reason was valid. The exports of Sierra Leone were in reality nothing. The exports of the whole of the coast, from Senegal to Guinea, were, in the year 1787, about. 150,000/. In the year 1819, they were 110,000/. official value. In the year 1823, they were 114,000/. In 1824, they were 134,0001.; and they were now about 154,000/., consisting principally of palm-oil, dye-woods, and bees'. wax. The imports from this country to the colony were, on the contrary, about 118,0001. of British goods, and 1 9,0001. of foreign, making, alto- gether, 237,0001.; and this was the great extent of commerce for which the country was to make such a vast sacrifice of human life.

Mr. Hume concluded by observing that Fernando Po, though it had proved unhealthy for one season, yet, when it should be pro- perly cleared, promised to be salubrious ; and if so, it would be found in every respect better fitted for a colony than Sierra Leone. Mr. FOWELL BUXTON admitted that the experiment of Sierra Leone had failed, but not to the extent stated by Mr. Hume; nor was the population so totally destitute of industry as he represented it. lie knew it had been unhealthy ; but that was the fault of the Govern- ment, in constantly sending out a description of soldiers totally unfit for the climate, when it was known that a force of black or brown men would be sufficient for all the purposes of the colony. As to the unhealthiness of Sierra Leone, he believed it not to be greater than that experienced in the islands of the West Indies. Some time ago, he proposed to move for returns which would have proved the truth of that assertion. On con- sulting the Government, they entreated him not to adopt that course, be- cause it would produce so much alarm in the minds of all those whose friends were either in those islands or about to proceed to them. He had, however, received a document connected with the subject, which he would read to the House, and which, he thought, proved as much as any return which could be laid before it. This document was signed by Sir Herbert Taylor, the Military Secretary, dated in 1826, and he had received permission to use it whenever it be;ame necessary to his argument. It ran thus :—"We are ready to admit, that the mortality among the troops in the island of Jamaica, and even in Ceylon, has been for two years nearly equal in proportion to the numbers as that in Sierra Leone." It should be recollected, too, that the troops sent to Sierra Leone were generally of dissolute habits, and those in the \Vest Indies were in the highest state of

discipline ; so that the comparative unhealthiness of the climate was still more evident. Mr. Hume had alluded to the imports of Sierra I.eone ; but it was worthy of observation, that the imports of all the West India Islands were only 864,000/. and the proportion of Sierra Leone was therefore infinitely greater than that of the West Indies.

Mr. BERNAL said that Mr. Buxton had gone out of his way to make a most unjustifiable attack on the West Indies. He had read a document, which he took out of his pocket, and pro- fessed to call it the opinion of the Secretary at War. Mr. Bernal now called on him to state under what circumstances he had obtained such a paper, and to explain why it was that he was trusted with a declaration which could not be made a return to the order of the House. (Hear, hear.) He would tell that honourable Gentleman that it was utterly impossible for him to prove his assertions. Could lie show six successiveCovernors carried off in the island of Jamaica in the same manner as in Sierra Leone? Could he name Registers, Secretaries, Judges, and officers without num- ber, daily falling a prey to the climate of Jamaica ?

Mr. J. WORTLEY thought that we were bound to preserve the colony. Sir G. MURRAY begged to say, that the pernicious effects of the climate were very much exaugerated. From Dr. Fergusson's report, it would appear that the diseases chiefly originated from the drunken habits of the men, and the despair they felt at their situation—both which causes would be equally mischievous in any other climate. But, at all events, it was to be remembered that there were no longer any Europeans on service on that station ; the Royal African Corps was gremly diminished, and an arrangement was made to establish a militia ; so that the mortality among European troops would no longer occur. It was his intention as far as possible to fill all the civil offices there with people of colour. The office of the King's Advocate was already so filled ; and he was convinced that it was very possible to bring the whole of the colony under the superintendence of persons of colour, who were not likely to suffer in their health. Pursuing that system still further, he did not despair of its finally being in the power of this country to form that station into the condition of a free African colony, on such a plan as should be best calculated to meet the exigences of the case; and looking at the circumstances in that point of view, he thought that they presented a most favourable opening for carrying into effect the ori- ginal benevolent intentions on which it had been founded. On all these grounds, then, he saw no reason for acceding to the motion of Mr. Hume. The possibility of removing the colony to another situation had been alluded to ; but he thought that no great advantage could be derived from that; besides which, the removal- or Africans from a place where they were settled, and which was in an actual state of cultivation, could not be effected without incurring an enormous expense, and sacrificing all those advantages which had already been ob- tamed. On all these grounds, it appeared to be inexpedient to relinquish the station which they already held at Sierra Leone. It had, how- ever, occurred to him, how far it might he fit or practicable to withdraw from that situation, leaving the liberated Africans in their present station. But that was a question which must be approached with caution, for no- thing could be so unjust or wicked as now to abandon those persons after having liberated them from their former miserable condition, by which means they would be again exposed to the cruelty and persecutions of those from whose grasp they had previously been rescued. Having, how- ever, this question in view, he had been in communication with the Church Missionary Society, and they had undertaken to take charge of the liberated negroes so far as their morals were concerned; of course requiring that no more liberated Africans should be added, lest it might neutralize and derange the operations they had previously made, and with the understanding that all charges were to be defrayed by the Government.

General GASCOYNE said, there were some persons in this coun- try under a delusion ; but why were they to have influence to delude the whole Parliament of England ? The only reason that he knew was, because it suited the views of a certain party, calling themselves saints.

Dr. LUSHINGTON could not forget that the honourable gentle- man who had spoken last was one of those who had formerly been anxious to perpetuate in this country the eternal disgrace of the odious traffic in slaves. For his own part, he could not support the motion.

Sir R. H. INGLIS denied that the climate was so insalubrious as it had been represented. Mr. HUME begged leave to withdraw his motion, and to sub- stitute for it a motion for a Select Committee to inquire into the present state of the Colony at Sierra Leone. This substitution was finally agreed to.

5. WEST INDIA SUGAR. On the order of the day for further Supply, The Marquis of CHANDos called the attention of the House to the depressed state of the West India interest; and moved "that the House do resolve that the duty of 27s. per cwt. on British Colonial sugar be removed." The Chancellor of the EXCHEQUER begged to say, that he meant to submit to the Committee certain measures of relief for the West India interest; he therefore hoped the amendment would not be pressed. Mr. HUSRISSON, Sir A. GRANT, and Mr. C. GRANT, could not vote against hearing the Chancellor of the Exchequer's propo- sitions; and therefore urged the Marquis to withdraw his motion. The Marquis of CHANDOS could not consent to such an ar- rangement. Yor the amendment, 23 ; for the original motion, 102. The House then resolved itself into a Committee of Supply. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER observed, that the motion which he had felt it necessary to resist, was for such a reduction of duty as he could not consent to without risking such a portion of the revenue as might endanger the national credit. The proposition he should have to offer was much more limited. After making such very large reductions in the revenue as had lately been made—such a very large reduction of taxation, that it was thought by some persons that he had gone a mat deal too far —he could not hazard any very great further reduction without danger. Hemeant to propose such a reduction as he thought best calculated to give relief to the grower of sugar, and promote its consumption, without injuring the revenue. The estates which produced sugars of the finest quality were, he was informed, not in such a bad situ- ation as those which produced the coarse sugars. The measure which he was about to propose would be temporary and experi- mental. It was well known to many of the gentlemen around him that the prices of sugars in London were taken upon the average of each weekly sale in the London market. He proposed, then, that when the average price is 30s., then there be paid on all sugars that do not ex- ceed that price by Is., a duty of Is. 6d. less than the 27s., or, in other words, a duty of 11. 5s. 6d.; that on sugar of less value than 308. by 3s. there be raid a duty of 1/. 4s. 6d; that on sugars of less value tha.ti 30s. by 4s. there shall be paid a duty of I/. 2s. 6d.; and that when sugars are of less value than 30s. by 5s., then there shall be paid a duty of 1/ , making the duty on a sugar which cost 25s. only 203., and a reduction on the lowest price of coarse sugar to the extent of is. per hundred. If he was told that this plan presented so many difficulties as to render it likely the attempt to carry it into effect would produce a loss to the revenue, his answer was, that although he might calculate upon some artifice being used to produce a depression in the price of sugars, yet he did not appre- hend it would be such as to cause any material loss to the revenue. With regard to the selection of the low-priced sugars for the purpose of a reduction of the duty, he might observe, that as the East India sugar comes into immediate competition with the higher-priced West India sugars, so long as that competition continued it would not be neces- sary to adopt any measures for producing a reduction in their price. Those sugars, however, on which a reduction of 7s. of duty would he made, were those which came most into consumption among the great body of the people ; and he fully expected that this reduction of is. would make an increase in that consumption of at least one-third, which increase would compensate in some measure for the loss of the duty. The principle of lowering duties, and thereby increasing the revenue by adding to the consumption, was one which he was at all times anxious to see carried into effect, wherever it could be done without permanent injury to the revenue of the country. It was necessary, however, to admit at once, that although he calculated on an increased consumption producing some in- crease of duty, yet, as the whole of the duty thus given up amounted to 350,000/. or 400,0001., and he could not calculate on more than one-half of that being returned, there was still a deficiency of 200,000/ to be made good. Relying on the increased consumption producing one-half, he thought the remainder could be found in some modification of those duties which

14.. commence

he 1-4 floreinced as hi. intention at Ment vf thc Sebblun to impose on Bognsh, Scotch, and Irish spirits. It would be recollected that he stated the new duty to be Is. on English spirits, and 2d. on Scotch and Irish. Since that time, however, the member for Carlisle had suggested that the great difference between Scotch and English spirits created by this duty would tend much to increase smuggling. Mr. Goulburn confessed that this objection had a great effect on his mind; and subsequent in- quiries had satisfied him that the method of doing justice to all parties would be to impose a duty of 6d. a gallon on Scotch and Irish spirits, and at the same time to put a duty of 6d. on English spirits, and also on rum, so as to place the whole of the Colonial and British spirits on the same footing. From this alteration he confidently calculated upon an addi- tional revenue of 200,000/.

Mr. C. GRANT hoped that time would be allowed for the full consideration of these propositions.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER had no objection to grant the requisite delay, but he thought the resolutions might now be passed through the Committee. Mr. HusaissoN said it was quite impossible that the Committee could understand the nature of these intricate resolutions without much consideration. The ascending and descending scale of duties was peculiarly intricate, and he thought it would be much better to have them printed, and adjourn the discussion until that day week. Mr. Goulburn had explained a portion of his plan, but he had forgotten to say any thing on the subject of the drawbacks—a question intimately connected with the intended alteration. He should also recollect, that the scale of duties on spirits was totally different from all he had stated at the commencement of the session. In point of fact, the duty which was to have been Is., was now to be 6d., and an additional 6d. was to be laid on rum—a spirit on which the present rate of duty in Ireland amounted almost to a prohibition. It was a very questionable matter, too, whether the measure would operate as a relief to the West Indians. The most distressed of all the West Indians were our old colonies, which produced very little of that kind of sugar to which the Chancellor of the Exche- quer gave a reduction of duty ; while the least distressed colonies—such as Demerara and others—sent to this country a vast quantity of that very kind of sugar.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER pledged himself to ex- plain the question of drawbacks fully at another opportunity. Mr. Hums objected strongly to the temporary nature of the measure.

All alterations of taxation produced a change in the quantity or quality of production. This plan would make the lower kind of sugars to be extensively cultivated by the colonies; and the consequence would be, that if the right honourable gentleman found his temporary plan did not an- swer, he would step in with some alteration ruinous to those he now en- couraged. If the principle was good, he saw no reason why it should not be permanent. He objected, however, to all legislation for peculiar interests. The East Indians were as much entitled to protection as the West Indians. They had abundance of the lower classes of sugars, which they were prevented irons exporting. All they wanted was a fair oppor-

tunity of competition; and he hoped that the right honourable gentle. man would see the propriety of doing away with the 27s. of duty alto- gether.

After some further consideration, the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER agreed that the resolutions should be printed, and the discussion entered upon on Monday next.

6. BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. On Tuesday, Sir ROBERT PEEL called the attention of the House to the ob- structions to public business which the present system of discus sing private bills gave rise to. As a remedy, he proposed that public business should commence every day but Wednesday at half-past five. Before that time, an hour and a half might be de- voted to private business, and it might be resumed after twelve. Mr. BROUGHAM agreed as to the expediency of this measure. He had himself formed a plan for the future management of business, but he would not at that late period of the session enter upon it. Mr. BRIGHT considered the presentation of petitions one of the most important parts of the business of the House. These peti- tions enabled members to ascertain the sentiments of their consti- tuents, and furnished them with a great deal of practical informa- tion.

Mr. WILLIAMS WYNNE was of opinion, that in order to transact public business properly, it would be necessary for them to meet, as of old, at twelve o'clock.

Mr. LITTLEDALE suggested that it would expedite business if a greater number of bills originated in the House of Lords. It was agreed, that after Thursday, the Speaker should call on public business at half-past five every day.

7. FEES ON THE DEMISE OF THE CROWN. The Earl of DARNLEY moved the Committee on this subject ; and intimated his intention of MON ing for the insertion of a clause exempting from the payment of fees the inferior officers of the Army. The LORD CHANCELLOR had not the slightest objection to such a clause. The President of the Council, the Lord Privy Seal, and himself, were ready to relinquish the fees that had hitherto attached to the renewal of Commissions.

The Duke of -WELLINGTON remarked, that officers would now be called on to pay only a few shillings for the trouble of copying their commissions.

The Bill received the requisite amendments, and was ordered to be reprinted.

8. COURT OF CHANCERY. Before the debate, which stood ad- journed to Thursday evening, began, the clock had struck ten. Mr. BROUGHAM submitted to the House that this was not a fit and proper time to continue the discussion of this most important subject. He was sure that, at that hour, the House were not ca- pable of doing justice to it ; and he WRS convinced that, by going on now, they would save no time whatever. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER Said he had been fully prepared to go into the discussion of the Sale of Beer Bill to-night ; but he had, at the earnest desire of gentlemen opposite, fixed that discussion for Monday, in order to allow the debate on the Court of Chancery to be proceeded with to-night. The debate on the Court of Chancery was then resumed.

Mr. C. FERGUSSON spoke at great length against the appoint- ment of a Fourth Judge. Should it, however, be deemed expedient to appoint a Fourth Judge, he was disposed to contend that this circumstance would not make the Chancellor a bit the worse Judge of Appeal. (Hear, hear!) Those who in mockery cheered that opinion, did not appear to have considered that the Chancellor had, as a Judge of Appeal, to dispense Scotch law as well as English law; and this being the case, it was evident upon it, that it was not essentially necessary for him to hear the original cause. Indeed it appeared to him to be preposterous that the judge in the original cause should be the judge in the appeal also ; for this, after all, was really the case. Let a foreign lawyer be taken to the House of Lords, and he would be perfectly astonished. There, instead of the four hundred judges whom he might have expected to find, he would only see the Lord Chancellor, with two other Peers, who acted in rotation; so that one day the learned Lord might be supported by an Irish Bishop and a Scotch Lord, and another by two young men of fashion, from St. James's Street. And what when the judgment was pronounced ? Why, the foreigner would say, "Oh, I heard all this in the Court below ; the same judgment in the same words, delivered by the same person." Let him not after this be told that appeals were few in number; no wonder that they should be so, when this was the case. If he knew that the judge only in a pri- vate conversation had expressed an opinion against his cause, should he not be a fool and a driveller to saddle himself with the costs, to have that unfavourable judgment only the more irrevocably confirmed? But let the same foreigner be taken the next day to the House of Lords, and there he would hear a Scotch appeal. Of course it would be expected that the presiding judge was a man learned in the law of the land whence the appeal came; but what was the fact ? He was, on the contrary, a man that actually knew nothing at all about the matter he undertook to determine—of course, in saying this, he was not alluding to any partich. lar Chancellor, but to English Chancellors generally; and the conse- quence, therefore, was, that the most elaborate and painful decisions of the Scotch Judges had been unwisely overturned. This certainlywas a most grievous state of things ; and he should, therefore, be glad to see the day when a person really learned in the Scotch law was appointed to assist the Lord Chancellor in such decisions, and prevent his forming opinions directly in the teeth of the law of Scotland. Mr. H. Twigs contended for the necessity of a fourth judge. Mr. SPENCE; in a long speech, denied the alleged necessity. Mr. BATTLEY declared, that all the most eminent barristers and solicitors in the metropolis were decidedly Of Opinion that a new Judge was not necessary in the Court of Chancery.

In former times it was no part of the duty of the Lord Chancellor to attend Cabinet Councils : when Lord Hardwicke was once sent for on an emergency for such a purpose, his answer was, that he had more im- portant business to attend to in his court; but it was an indisputable fact, that the present Lord Chancellor, two or three times every week, abandoned his seat there because, as he phrased it, he was obliged to attend elsewhere. Mr. Battley felt the highest respect, and even rever- ence, for Lord Eldon : he was a man of the soundest legal learning; and he never had been troubled by hesitation and indecision until after the death of Mr. Perceval : his mind then began to wander, while on the Bench, to matters unconnected with the case before him ; and then it was that he first adopted the practice of taking the papers home, that he might give his decision at a more convenient time ; which convenient time, very often, never arrived. (Hear, hear !) Mr. R. GRANT proposed an adjournment. Mr. BROUGHAM entirely concurred in this sugE.,restion ; and added, that the debate would have been just as near its conclu- sion, if his suggestion earlier in the evening had been attended to. The discussion hitherto had been of such a dry nature, as to make him quite long for a little beer. (Laughter.) The Beer Bill might have been fixed for to-night, but for this question. Sir R. PEEL expressed his regret that the early part of the night had been occupied by matters of sfich comparatively trifling importance—first, for a Bill regarding the real property of Jews ; secondly, for a Committee on the petition of a single parish ; and thirdly, a motion for papers which were granted. A vast deal of the valuable time of the House was wasted in talking upon trifles ; and every member, in these march-of-intellect days, felt himself, and perhaps was, as well qualified to give information as the brightest ornaments of the Senate used formerly to be considered. It was then agreed that the further debate should be taken on Tuesday.

9. ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE BILL. The ATTORNEY- GENERAL having moved the order of the day for the further con- sideration of this Bill, Mr. JONES, Mr. D. W. HARVEY, Mr. E. DAVENPORT, Sir C. WETHERELL, and Mr. O'CONNELL spoke against the Bill, as being crude, contradictory, and illusory. Mr. M. A. TAYLOR, Sir R. PEEL, Colonel Woon, and the ATTORNEY- GENERAL defended it. No new argument was advanced on either side.

The motion was carried, on a division, by 129 to 30.

10. Corm OF SESSION BILL. On the motion of the Lord Ad- vocate of Scotland, the report on the Court of Session Bill was brought up, and reconsidered, and the Bill ordered to be recom- mitted. .

On the motion t"r ,f)ing into a Committee, Mr. C. PERGUSSON expressed great doub as to the expediency of rendering trial by Jury imperative on all litigants.

Sir MICHAEL SHAW STEWART and Mr. MAXWELL supported the Bill.

Sir G. WARRENDER thought that sufficient time had not been allowed for weighing its merits and bearings.

Mr. HUME gave the Lord Advocate credit for the manner in which the Bill had been brought forward. He at the same time declared, that some explanation was due by Ministers to the country, as to the appointment of Mr. Abercrombie to the office of Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer, at the very time when Government meditated the reduction of two of the Judges of that court.

Mr. BROUGHAM should reserve his commentaries for a subse- quent stage of the Bill. The House then resolved itself into a Committee on the Bill, and the various clauses were agreed to.

11. NEW CHURCHES. Mr. HUME again called the attention of the House to the conduct of the Commissioners for Building Churches in reference to the parish of St. Luke. The Churches and Chapels in that parish were not half filled, and yet the in- habitants were assessed for another church. In reply to a de- fence of the Commissioners by Dr. LUSHINGTON, himself one of the body, Mr. HUME observed, that he was not to be told that, because the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Archbishop of York, the Lord Chancellor, and the Spiker of the House of Commons were Commissioners, that they ought not to be called to account for their conduct.

• Mr. Hume's motion "for a Select Committee to inquire into a petition from the parish of St. Luke," was, however, lost.

12. NEW POLICE. Sir E. KNATCHBULL presented a petition from the farmers and market gardeners of Middlesex, Essex, Surry, Hertford, and Kent, praying that the New Police Act might not extend to them, as hitherto the parishes in which they lived had not been liable to a watch-rate.

This gave rise to a conversation on the merits of the New Police. Mr. M. A. TAYLOR, Mr. WESTERN, and Sir RICHARD VYVYAN were loud in their complaints against the recent-changes. Sir ROBERT PEEL, Mr. Alderman Woon, and other members, defended the new Police, and established their superiority to the old guardians of the night.