POLAND AND FRANCE.
[Fnom OUR SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT.] July 29, 1863. LORD NAPIER'S despatch has produced a very great sensation in France—all the more so as the insult offered to France, England, and Austria seems, on the part of Russia, almost gratuitous. So exceedingly careful had the Three Powers been to smoothe her way to conciliation, that it is hard, indeed, to conceive for what reasons, save popular pressure and feelings of wounded pride, she has not conceded all that was demanded. An armistice, if accepted, could not fail to be fatal to the Poles by damping their patriotic enthu- siasm, depriving the insurrection of the strength it derives from
its very continuity, and enabling Russia not only to gain time, but to make ready for a decisive onset. Nor is it obvious why Russia thought a conference objectionable, from which Poland was to be excluded, and the sole object of which was announced to be an amicable settlement of the Six Points, which Prince Gorts- chakoff declares tally so well with his master's own views. What could be more desirable to Russia than to have a new, solemn, peremptory consecration given, in the name of Europe, by all its leading Powers, to that treaty of Vienna which absolved diploma- tically the great crime of the partition of Poland, making an imperial robber a knig, the world his accomplice, and ruffianism on a large scale part of the public law of nations ?
The Poles, of course, would have resisted, because they fight not for representation but for independence; not for a sham constitu- tion, but for national life ; not for Congress-Poland, but for united Poland. Russia then might have come forward and said to the interfering Powers, "I have done all you wished me to do. If the insurrection is still raging, it is not my fault. Will it be now denied that it is cosmopolitan revolution which kindled and fans the flame ? You are pledged to assist me in putting it out.'' How the interfering Powers would have managed to turn a deaf ear to such an appeal under the circumstances I should like to know. However, this not being the course which Russia chose to follow, the question is—must the sword be drawn ? Paris pants for an answer, and rightly so. Whilst diplomatic notes are interchanged at leisure, the moment when it will be utterly impossible to send troops to the Baltic is fast approaching ; Russia is busy fortifying Cronstadt ; bfonravieff and Berg lose no time in bringing their sanguinary work to completion. Moreover, this state of awful suspense goes far to shake credit, to hamper commerce, to paralyze industry. It has been supposed by a financial paper in Paris, the Conseiller, that Prince Gortschakoff's note has already cost France two thousand millions of francs ! But those must know how to be patient who do not know how to be free ; and those also must be trained to the virtue of patience who do not see, or affect not to see, to what extent the enslavement of a nation like France tells upon the freedom of every other nation. Let, then, France, let Europe, wait with respectful resignation till the man with whom all decisions are suffered to rest thinks fit to speak.
We are told that that the French Government has not conde- scended to publish the despatch of the Duke de Montebello, still less to let it be known whether it endorses or not the opinion of its ambassador. Why, are not the inspirations of imperial wisdom far preferable to the wayward suggestions of conflicting minds? Is not imperial guidance preferable to what constitutional pedan- try is pleased to style self-government? Tantalizing and ruinous as the protracted silence of the Moniteur may be, it is not for the vulgar to pretend to dive into the secrets of gods. That France should have a voice in the matter is naturally out of the question. It is but fair that the Siecle should have received a second warning for recommending a plebiscite of the whole French people, and the motives of the warning are stated as clearly as possible—appeals of this kind jar with the principles of the constitution, and are derogatory to the authority of the Emperor. Such as were candid enough to imagine that the substitution of M. Boudet for M. de Persigny as Minister of the Interior had a liberal meaning are thus made aware of this important fact, that a change in the actors by no means implies a change in the piece.
The public are, therefore, reduced to grope after a clue as to what Caw's intentions may be. According to some personages who profess to be well informed, it is the opinion of the French Government that the Three Powers should, without going the lengths of cutting the Gordian knot with the sword, declare they do not accept Prince Gortschakoff's reply, and have resolved no longer to proceed with the negotiations, it being inconsistent with their dignity to renew or modify propositions half rejected, and in a somewhat offensive manner too. But this is a mere rumour at a time when rumours are mere guess-work. The indications pointing to war are certain military movements of a rather ominous nature—the announcement of a naval review at Cherbourg—many a report become current respecting an alli- ance with Sweden—the fitting out of a squadron which the Paine said was to be ready for sea by the end of the week—the liberty granted to the newspapers more than ever to write down Russia and to write up Poland—the fact, characteristic, if true, that among the subjects given by M. Duruy for competition at the University examinations the partition of Poland and its present state stand conspicuous—the collapse of the Credit Mobilier—the recent decline in the public funds—the feeling of trepidation which prevails in the money market.
On the other hand, there are symptoms of a leaning towards peace. M. Drouyn de Lhuys is reported to have expressed his belief in the impossibility of a war. There is little doubt that hi. Fould is anxious to avert a financial crisis, and his is an opinion which the Emperor is not inclined to disregard. The
Empress also, in spite of her Catholic sympathies, seems to be averse to war. The non-publication by the Moniteur of Lord Napier's despatch the day it was known in Paris has been con- sidered a hopeful omission by the peace party, for there is such a party at present. A report having been spread that the Russian Ambassadors in Paris and in London had received notice to hold themselves in readiness to depart, the evening papers were officially instructed to contradict the assertion, with something more than usual eagerness. A petition, calling upon the Emperor to unfold the flag of France, and of which the following was the conclusion :— "Sire, saucer, sauvons la Pologne 1"—was not allowed to be circu- lated in the workshops ; the press was admonished not to give it publicity ; and the Paine, which had inserted it, was ordered not to allude to it any more. The Polish Committee had decided that a funeral service would be celebrated in the Church of La Made- leine, in commemoration of the patriots killed or murdered during the insurrection. Well, the newspapers were forbidden to announce that ceremony ; word was sent to the Committee to proceed no fur- ther in the matter, and the Archbishop of Paris was requested to refuse his authorization. Is the Emperor, as the semi-official paper La France would have us believe, bent on not acting alone and not giving to a question of European interest the bearing of an indi- vidual demand? The supposition is perfectly admissible. Napoleon knows well enough how much England is reluctant to go to war, and if he considers it dangerous to add another startling chapter to the history of his high-wrought adventures, it might suit his purpose to be enabled to court his pardon from France by saying, "I have done all in my power in favour of Poland ; but England would neither follow nor uphold me; with her must rest the responsibility of so distressing a failure."
Nor would this language, perhaps, arouse so general a feeling of discontent as would have been the case some months ago, owing to the fact above alluded to, that there is now a peace party which, some months ago, was not either existing or perceivable. First of all, it is wonderful how the sympathies of the clericals for Catholic Poland have cooled since these pious men were called upon to take Prince Gortschakoff's hint that the revolutionary party in Europe concerned themselves for the independence of Poland more than was desirable. The Archbishop of Orleans had already warned the clergy, in strong language, against the danger of an alliance, whatever might be its object, between the lambs of the Church and the wolves of the cosmopolitan Democratic party. The Holy Father has ever since supplied his faithful sons with more stringent motives for abstention. Nothing is more remarkable as a disclosure of the true ecclesiastical spirit than the letter of Pio Nono to the Emperor of Russia. In this lengthened document, which would fill several columns of the Spectator, we look in vain for one single word of manly protest, either in favour of an oppressed nation driven to revolt by despair, or against the unheard-of cruelties of which so many Christians have been the victims. Of the interests of the clergy, of its pro- perties, of its privileges, the Pope speaks with due unction, ascrib- ing the Polish agitation to religious, or rather, irreligious tyranny, to the spreading of unholy doctrines, and so forth. But he ignores the insurrection ; he turns the cold shoulder to the aspirations of the national party as such ; he disapproves of priests joining in revolutionary movements and having a hand in anything intended or calculated to disquiet the powers that be.
So much for the clericals ; now for the Orleanists.
Many of them, no doubt, cling still to their former opinions concerning Poland; but it is quite clear that the most unyielding enemies of the Imperial dynasty among them have begun seriously to reflect qn the dangerous amount of popularity which the despotic ruler of France would be likely to derive from a bold, / generous, attempt to rescue Poland ; they cannot help thinking that the glory attached to such an attempt, if successful, might enable Napoleon to wage war with continued impunity, nay, more, with increasing success, against the intellect of France and against freedom.
Nor is Republican ardour itself untinged with that kind of apprehension. It strikes the Liberal party that the Poles are the first to deprecate Napoleonic interference; that they urge the necessity for Poland of working out her own emancipation, so as not to have to pay too much for foreign assistance. What they declare they want is a joint declaration by the Governments which were parties to the treaty of Vienna, that that treaty having been violated, they withdraw their sanction, and regard the dominion of Russia over Poland as forfeited. This, Prince Zamoyski asserted to be the Polish view of the question at the meeting in St. James's I [all; and this is what the six Parisian workmen present at that meeting must have reported to their fellow-men in Paris.
However, it is undeniable that the feeling in favour of Poland is nowadays as strong as ever, if not stronger, among the working- classes; and the cunning way in which some of them endeavour to reconcile their indulgence of that feeling with a proud reluctance to serve the ambition of a despot is too characteristic not to be put on record. In answer to a private letter of mine, asking what people thought in reference to the danger which French liberty might, for a long time to come, incur from the vindication by arms of Polish independence, a most intelligent and influential work- man in Paris has just sent me en exposé de rues, of which the following is an extract :— " . . . . No fear. Should Napoleon make up his mind to save Poland and to take the land, he will not lack encouragement. All that may be required to goad him on will be done. He will be, on his leaving Paris, carried in triumph, if needed, and we have no objection to hail his departure for Poland with even more enthusiastic shouts than were sent up to hail his departure for Italy. But what of that? Our aspirations are too high both for his power and his will. Trammelled as he is by diplomatic con- nections with crowned heads, compelled as he is to make national policy subservient to merely dynastic interests, he cannot fail to disappoint to a great extent the expectations of the French people, when once routed. If the roll of the war drwn be heard, Napoleon will have lighted a fire which he will be unable to ex- tinguish, and will, nevertheless, try to extinguish. There is the rub. We anticipate a second peace of Villafranea, by which, as you are well aware, the unity of Italy was not prevented, and which had, so far as he was concerned, no other effect than to ruin his own popularity. Remember what °enured at the time of the Italian war ; how triumphant his departure, but how unwelcome his return ! Depend upon it, we have pondered over the question,
and the Parisian workmen are no fools." A FREEMAN.
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