TOPICS OF THE DAY
THE COAL MINES REPORT OUT of darkness, light. This article goes to press before the opinions of the Government, of the mine- owners, and of the men, in regard to the Report of the Court of Inquiry has been received, and we can write here only some general impressions. The Report is, however, so bold, and so far-reaching, and its publication so vitally alters the situation, that it may well be commented upon as an isolated portent without knowledge of its exact reactions on the Government and on the industry. The Report does the highest credit to the men who conducted the Inquiry, and also to those who set it up, that is, to the Prime Minister and the Cabinet. The Cabinet chose men who were really and not merely nominally impartial. They have their reward in a State paper which completely justifies the action taken, and shows also how groundless were the fears of the miners that they would not have fair treatment from a nominated Tribunal. Before, however, we discuss the Report further we must note that humanity of view is its essential characteristic. Lord George Bentinck in one of his speeches in the House of Commons in the later forties— a period like ours of currency and credit contraction— said that he did not know whether it was true that Corporations had no souls, but that he was sure that Cabinets had no hearts. This miniature Cabinet of Inquiry has shown the world that it has a heart. Its members at once conceived that their duty was not merely statistical or economic in the scientific sense, but also social. As Sir Josiah Stamp well said, they had to consider not merely what the industry could bear, but what human nature could bear.
The first of the essential conclusions of the Inquiry— conclusions which are destined, and rightly destined in our opinion, to have far-reaching results upon the industrial and social configuration of this country— is that "the workers are justified in claiming that any wages agreement they can be asked to accept should provide for a minimum wage." What the minimum wage should be must be a matter of negotiation between the parties. Next, no method of fixing wages which allows for their indefinite diminution can be regarded as satisfactory. Wages at some agreed minimum rate must be in practice a charge before profits are taken. Here is common sense as well as humanity.
Turning to strictly practical questions, the Report states—and here again we believe there will be a general concurrence of opinion throughout the . country—that there is considerable room for improving the industry as a whole, and so relieving the economic position. Next, collective action on the part of collieries would enable facilities and resources to be used in common to greater advantage, and would promote economical working. This comment clearly points to some system of consolidation or unification. Another memorable suggestion concerns the consideration whether the industry should remain in isolation or whether by its co-ordination with other enterprises better results might not be obtained. But we must remember that the miners' spokesmen have always condemned combinations, " vertical " or "horizontal." At the same time, the increased cost of the transport and shipment of coal is noted as of great importance. Improved distribution might have a considerable effect in stimulating demand. Next comes Abe comment that "the continuation of the royalties system on its present basis is important in its relation to the promotion of good On many of these problems the Court point out that they have not had the advantage of hearing evidence, but they cannot believe that there is no room for improvement in the management, organization, and development of the industry. It would be neither just nor politic to represent the Report as censuring the mine-owners, but it is clear that the Court unanimously dismissed the proposals for a rigid division of the industry between wages and profits, (based on the "sliding scale" and the miners' demands of a few years ago) and for the abolition of the minimum wage. It goes even further than this, and raises the question whether the coal-mining industry as a basic industry upon which • the whole prosperity, industrial and commercial, of the country depends can be treated as a separate industrial unit. That is a direction in which the country has been rapidly forming its own conclusions. The coal industry cannot be exposed to the unmitigated operation of purely economic forces. The reason for this is well stated in the Report. "A drastic restriction of its activities would be fraught with grave consequences." The Report ends with a catalogue of matters which merit further inquiry, i.e., an inquiry into the whole question of the organization, management, and development of the coal industry. To the Report is attached a memorable addendum by Sir Josiah Stamp. He declares that currency policy has exaggerated the evils from which the coal mines are suffering. "In my view the recent improvements in the exchange or decline in the price level is sufficient in itself to account for the special plight of the industry since March" The position of the industry was made infinitely worse, he declares, "by that kind of one-sided deflation which has taken place, and no other satisfactory or sufficient cause appears to be available, though I give full weight to the general depression of coal consumption abroad." Readers of the Spectator who perhaps thought that we were unfair to the Government, or were suffering from currency delusions, when we protested against the policy adopted in regard to gold in the spring should note this further comment by Sir Josiah St amp :— "Even in February last it was evident to me that tne attain- ment of the Gold Standard would be won at a material immediate_ cost to industry, and that even the preparatory steps would cause a painful reaction."
It remains for the Government to implement the decisions of the Court—to make definite and specific use of these decisions, by basing upon them administrative, financial, and, if necessary, legislative action. It is obvious that after the Report of the Court there can be no lock-out. The mine-owners must withdraw their notices. It is obvious that if they failed to do so the Government would have to take control of the industry, as was done in the War.
We do not know Mr. Baldwin's plan, but we feel surt that he will provide, perhaps by a Government guarantee, that there shall be no lock-out or strike till that further and fuller consideration of the whole situation (at which both men and masters must assist), has been given in accordance with the recommendations of the Report. We have got to review the whole position with the determination that the coal industry shall not go under but shall be re-established upon a sound basis. Even if it should involve a reversal of our currency policy, that must be done. We cannot lose the coal industry, or bring misery upon a vast section of the population, for the pleasure, however great, of looking the dollar in the face.
Let those who say that this is the language of exaggera- tion read carefully and with an open mind Sir Josiah, Stamp's addendum.
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