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MONDAY, JANUARY 27TH.

A MEETING was held at Sheffield on Thursday for the purpose of considering the expediency of establishing a school for the study of metallurgy and mechanical science. Lord Wharncliffe, who presided, opened the proceedings, and remarked that ass, special education was necessary for young men intending to enter the army, navy, or the liberal professions, it was desirable that opportunities for an appropriate training should be provided for all who were destined for engineering, any mechanical or constructive art. Brunel and Stephenson, for example, had gone through an immense amount of unnecessary labour, and had such an institution as the one then proposed been in existence, they would have had many more years to devote to the service of their country. With regard to iron alone, and its application to naval and military uses : "A very interesting question now was the iron plating of ships. (Hear, hear.) The iron trade had received a great development that way. Here his Lordship referred to the exertions which the Mayor (who is supplying armour-plates for the Royal Alfred) had made in developing the manufacture of iron, and complimented him upon the successful manner in which he had used his knowledge of the different properties of iron and their adaptation, without which he could never have attained the position he at present occupied, and which his Lordship hoped would bring with it golden rewards. (Applause.) At the meeting of the British Association, it was said that iron from this country was now being shipped to Australia, Russia, and other parts of the world, although the cost of the iron alone exceeded that of the stone or other material which it was intended to replace, exclusive of the coat of transit. The enormous consumption of British iron was shown by the demand for it from such distant places at such a cost; and it was a fact that our manufactures were triumphant over every opposition. It was a curious fact that eminent civilians in the present day, such as Mr. Whitworth and Sir W. Armstrong, and not military men, were those who had the best acquaintance with the destructive and defensive properties of iron, and who had invented those wonderful guns which had revolutionized the whole system of attack and defence both by sea and land. (Hear, hear.) This was a question of interest not only to military men, but to civilians, for if it was possible, as it had been demonstrated to be, for civilians to attain great honours and amass fortunes in dealing with matters hitherto under purely military control, there was no reason why every young man in the land should not be so trained KS to bring out Lila inventive faculties and fit him to raise himself to a level with those worthy and patriotic citizens. (Cheers.)" The Mayor of Sheffield (Mr. John Brown) moved the following resolution: "That this meeting is of opinion that the formation of a School of Practical Science and Metallurgy would be greatly beneficial to the interests of Sheffield ; this meeting, therefore, recommends that such a school be established so soon as the funds requisite for that purpose can be attained, and they appoint a committee to collect the necessary fuads and to apply them to the end recommended." In speaking to the resolution, Mr. Brown suggested that the proposed institution should also serve as a monument to the Prince Consort, and should be known as the "Albert Memorial School of Science." The necessity of souse such establishment, he thought, was apparent from the deficiency in scientific knowledge in the class from which managers had to be selected, and who "had to go bungling on from day to day in attempting results which that scientific knowledge which alone could ensure the permanent success of our manufactures would enable them at once to attain." Mr. Roebuck, M.P., in seconding the resolution, stated that a manufacturer had told him that in a very short period lie had paid enough for blunders in his establishment to have maintained a professorship for the instruction of persons in that particular branch of business, and that the proposed school was in reality merely a profitable investment. Mr. Roebuck concluded by urging upon his hearers the necessity of keeping up the credit of their county at the approaching exhibition. The resolution was ultimately adopted, and a vote of thanks to the chairman brought the proceedings to a termination. — A county meeting was held at Hertford, on Saturday, for the adoption of an address of condolence to her Majesty. ihe LordLieutenant (the Earl of Verulam) occupied the chair, and the resolutions requisite for the formal adoption of the address were advocated by the Marquis of Salisbury, the Earl of Clarendon, Mr. Cowper, M.P., Mr. Abel Smith, M.P., and Mr. Puller, M.P.

TUESDAY, JANUARY 28TH.

— A meeting of teachers and others interested in the management of schools of all denominations throughout the counties of Warwick, Worcester, and Stafford, was held at Birmingham on Saturday, for the consideration of the new Educational Code, upwards of 150 teachers and managers being present. The Honourable and Reverend Grantham Yorke presided, and, in opening. the proceedings, said he felt obliged to state that when, on a previous occasion, be had formed one of a deputation which had presented a memorial on the subject to Lord Granville and Mr. Lowe, nothing could exceed the courtesy which they experienced. Mr. Heyworth, in moving a resolution condemnatory of the principles of the revised code, said the new code was not an unmitigated evil, as it served to raise discussion on a variety of points which certainly required ventilating, but it revolutionized the whole of our national education, and he feared that, by its unfair treatment of the teachers, it would eliminate the best of them from the Government schools, and he should therefore oppoie its ultimate adoption to the utmost. The Reverend D. Melville, rector of Witley, Worcestershire, defended the new code, on the grounds that the principle of "payment for results," which it introduced, was highly desirable, and that he had good reason to believe that the standard of examination to which such objections had been made, would be considerably lessened, and other modifications and concessions to popular opinion would be introduced. The Chairman said the subject for the consideration of the meeting was the revised code as it now stood, and not the prospective "code and revisal" spoken of by Mr. Melville. Resolutions deprecatory of the discontinuance of augmentation grants, and appointing a committee for the organization of an opposition to the revised code, having been adopted, the meeting was brought to a close with a vote of thanks to the chairman.

— The Right Honourable J. Napier is now delivering a series of lectures on "Butler's Analogy," before the Young Men's Christian Association. On last Saturday night he devoted a considerable portion of his address to the consideration of Butler's theory that public honours are the natural rewards of public virtue, in support of which he instanced the popular esteem for the late Prince Consort and Lord Eglintoun

"A significant example of this is the illustrious Prince whose death has so touched the hearts of a great and loyal people, of millions who deeply sympathize with their sorrowing, widowed Queen, and bear her up with many a prayer ascending to God in His holy habitation, the Father of the fatherless, and the Judge of the widow. What but the genuine goodness of the late Prince Consort, his cultivated and enlightened mind, the discipline of his heart, the thoughtful training of his higher nature in all its departments, the moderation, the gentle wisdom, the domestic virtue, and the public spirit which gave to his whole character a harmony and a grace that all have recognized, admired, and approved —what but these could have so endeared him to a wise and understanding people?"

And of Lord Eglintonn he said:

"On the first interview which I had with him, just after his appointment to the Viceregal office, I anticipated the success of his czreer from a simple but significant observation which he made. 'I have no experience,' said he, 'in official life, and I have heard mach of the difficulty of governing Ireland; yet I cannot but believe that the same principles of troth and honour which regulate well-ordered private life ought to be sufficient to keep a public man sate and straight.' And so I ever found him, whether in private intimacy or in official intercourse, frank, generous, truthful, and resolute. Well do I remember the impression made upon me at an interview which I had with him in reference to the exercise of the prerogative of mercy, when the lives of two convicts depended on the result of our conference—the anxious search for any fact or inference which might reduce the moral guilt of the homicide; the tear of compassion when the search proved fruitless ; the desire for mercy if it could be reconciled with the demands of public justice ; the womanly tenderness and the manly firmness of his good and gentle nature. And now the recognition of his moral worth by a warm-hearted, generous, and grateful people,—is not this a fresh and pregnant proof of what Butler states as to public honours being the natural rewards of public virtue?"

— Mr. J. G. Hubbard, M.P. for Buckingham, addressed his constituents on Friday evening. The honourable gentleman reviewed the principal events of the session, and enumerated the Wednesday morning defeats of measures promoted by the Liberation Society, which, amid some interruption, lie characterized as "a conspiracy against the liberties of England, whose efforts, if they succeeded, would not only drag down the Church of England from her present pre-eminence, but the Queen from her throne." He objected strongly to the revised code, on the ground that it would paralyze pe the flow of voluntary bounty, break faith with many persons engaged in the work of education, destroy the discipline of schools, and discourage the religious element, which was a most important feature iu the present system. After explaining the principal details of his proposal of last session for the removal of some of the irregularities of the income tax, Mr. Hubbard concluded by a reference to the American question, and expressed his conviction that no mere feeling of humanity, such as a desire to abolish slavery, could cause such deadly hatred as that which prompted the destruction of Charleston harbour:

"He must confess that, in his judgment, a severance of interest was at the bottom of this severance in sentiment. He did not expect that the North and South could ever he united in cordial agreement, and if not so, it were better they should not be united at all If we may argue from the antecedents with which history furnishes us, we may be perfectly reconciled to the continuance of that severance. Here is a country exercising a gigantic power on that vast continent, and with it an increasing desire to exercise that power with a degree of harshness and arrogance which would have made the United States a formidable opponent to the old country and to the civilization of the world. It might con. mat with the designs of Providence that in carrying out this march of conquest the United States might coins into contact with these diversities of interest, and it might be that this separation in that vast country was rather a matter for rejoicing than for grief. He had said that the war could not last long, because both sides had exhausted their means, and he never heard of a war being carried on without money. In a free country like Switzerland, where a strong attachment to the soil made every man a soldier in case of need—or under a despotism like Russia, where all were subjected to a single will, they might, indeed, for a time, carry on the war by issues of paper money. But in America neither of these causes existed, nor any other which would induce either the soldier or the purveyor of military stores to tale in payment a document which, to-morrow, might decline to one-fourth, or one-tenth of its nominal value. Therefore, his belief was, that the war would be brought to a close by a process of exhaustion."

— Lord Clarence Paget and Mr. Knatchbull Huguessen, the mem bers for Sandwich, addressed their constituents on Saturday evening. • After an allusion to the immense field opened to our commerce by the French Treaty just as the American convulsion was taking away from us one great source of our prosperity, Lord Clarence Paget thus referred to the Trent affair :

" At that time we had a great affection for the people of the United States, but we lamented that they had for many years past done all in their power through their press to aliesate from them the affections of the old country. (Hear, hear.) They had maligned us; their language was offensive, preposterous, and pretentious. The press of the United States has for years past occupied itself solely, as it were, in breeding dislike between the mother country and the Government under which they live. Well, you know that for a long time we submitted to many unfortunate affronts which, probably, no nation but. the most forbearing in the world would have put up with. Now, I believe we should have gone on in the same way, and more particularly that we would have borne anything from them in the hour of their adversity. Such is the honest and honourable feeling of Englishmen that they never would attempt, as it were, to lord it over any country that was oppressed with misfortune. (Hear, hear.) The conduct of her Majesty's Government throughout the crisis bad been most conciliatory, the tone of the press most forbearing, and even in the House of Commons, where every man gives free expression to his feelings, every one carefully abstained from anything calculated to wound the susceptibilities of our American cousins. In fact, a perfectly neutral course had been pursued, and anything like interference in the contest had been most carefully avoided. Well, you recollect the telegram which stirred up the indignation of every honest man in this country. A peaceful packet, trading between one neutral port and another, was intercepted by an officer of the American navy, and four gentlemen were captured from under her flag. I repeat, that the receipt of that intelligence led every honest man in the country to feel an amount of indignation which was scarcely to be expressed. (Cheers.) Throughout Europe the act was regarded in the same light, though, of course, it did not elsewhere excite the same warmth. On all hands it was acknowledged that a gross outrage had been committed on the English flag. Well, what was the line taken by the Government? And here is the secret of our wonderful strength as a nation, as I shall presently show you. There was no cry for immediate war. The people felt the injury, but they all said at the outset, 'Let us know whether what has been done can or cannot be justified by international law. If it can be, we must submit. If it cannot, we must have redress.' That was the feeling of England—the calm feeling of a strong man, firm in the assertion of his rights, and determined, when wronged, to have justice done him. You are aware that the Government wrote a calm and friendly despatch, with no menace, no threat in it, but assuming that the American Government could not stand by the act, and inviting them to repudiate it, and return the men who had been unlawfully taken prisoners."

The remainder of the noble Lord's speech was devoted to the reforms recently introduced in the navy, such as the establishment of a Naval Reserve, and the increased efficiency of all branches of the service. He referred in detail to the celerity with which 10,000 men had been landed in Canada, ready to take the field. As to the manning of the fleet, the following facts would show what could be done without drawing for a single man on the reserve :

"Now, here is what occurred on the 2nd of November last, just at the time of the crisis. The Phaeton was commissioned at Sheerness on that day. She is a magnificent 50-gun frigate—in fact, a line-of-battle ship in disguise—with a crew of between 500 and 600 men. She left for Spithead on the 7th of November fully manned, and ready to go across the Atlantic. (Hear, hear.) The Orlando, a still larger frigate, the largest, indeed, in the navy, was commissioned at Devonport on the 17th of December, and on the 24th of the same month she sailed for Halifax fully manned. Within the last fortnight the Shannon another magnificent 50

gun frigate, was commissioned on the 17th of January, very month, and was ready for service on the 22nd. (Hear, hear.) I tell you these things, not in a boastful spirit, but because I am sure it will please you to know that this country is in a state of preparation in case she is at any time called upon to defend her flag. I may also mention that at this moment we have between three and four frigates' crews ready to be put on board to-morrow if wanted."

Lord Clarence Paget again referred to the American question, in order to defend the conduct of Government with regard to the alleged concealment of Mr. Seward's despatch:

"But, gentlemen, we are always threatened with something or other, and now it appears we are to have some severe criticism on the conduct of the Government in concealing a despatch written by Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams, the American Minister in London' in which certain courteous terms were made use of and assurances offered of the friendly disposition of the American Government. We have been told at meetings and in the press that we acted unfairly towards the commerce of the country in not making public that despatch—that if we had published it, instead of commerce being paralyzed, insurances raised, and I know not what other symptoms of alarm everywhere, we should have had a return to the ordinary course of trade, that the funds would have risen, and public calm have been restored. Now, that sounds very plausible, but have you read that despatch carefully? For, mark you, it is coming on for discussion. I admit the extraordinary responsibility thrown on the Government on that occasion. I am not in their secrets, but am speaking as one of yourselves might do, and I ask you whether it would have been wise to make public that despatch. Let us assume that confidence had been restored to the public. Was there reallY anything in the document which tended to reassure the minds of the English people? Not a word. It was a plausible and very cleverly-written despatch, but there was nothing in it to say 'We will give up the prisoners. (Hear, hear.) Suppose it had been published, and that afterwards, instead of the prisoners being released, they had been retained, what would then have happened? Why, the Government would have been execrated for throwing the people into a fool's paradise, and telling them there was to be peace when war, after all, would have ensued. (Hear, hear.) That is the simple way in which Iput the case, and I do it entirely without any official authority, and to my mind it affords a complete answer to the attacks that have been, or may yet be, made upon the Government for not taking any public notice of that despatch. (Hear, hear.)"

Mr. Knatchbull-Huguessen also spoke, expressing his agreement with his noble colleague on the Trent question, and his hope that, notwithstanding the present discouraging prospects of Reform, a measure might shortly be passed admitting to the franchise a portion of the large number who were now qualified to exercise it. — The following letter was react on Sunday to the crowds assembled at the scene of the late accident at Hartley Pit :

" OSBORNE, Jan. 23.

"Sir,—The Queen, in the midst of her own overwheming grief, has taken the deepest interest in the dreadful accident at Hartley, and up to the last hri hoped that at least a considerable number of the poor people might have been recovered alive. The appalling news since received has affected the Queen very much.

"Her Majesty commands me to say that her tendereet., sympathy is with the poor widows and mothers, and that her own misery only.nakes her feel the more for their

"Her Majesty hopes that everything will be done far as possible to elle 'elate their distress, and her Majesty will feel a sad satisfaction in assisting in such measures.

"Pray let me know what is doing. "I have the honour to be, Sir, your obedient servant,

"Charles Carr, Eaq., Hartley Colliery." "0. B. PHIPPS."

WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 29TH.

— The Right Honourable J. Mowbray, M.P., Mr. J. Walter, M.P., and Mr. Benyon, M.P., were present at the annual meeting of the Reading Farmers' Club, which was held on Saturday last. Mr. Mowbray occupied the chair; and, after the toast of "The Queen" had been drunk in silence, proposed "The Army, Navy, and Volun. teers." In the course of his remarks the right honourable gentleman referred to the statesmanship and energy with which the Government had conducted our negotiation with America:

"He felt it right to say that the Government of Lord Palmerston had met the emergency with a promptitude and energy which reflected the highest credit upon them. (Applaure.) He thought that the Government were to be congratulated that they were not more remarkable for the energy of their action than for the courtesy with which they conducted their diplomacy. And, although they have the glory of achieving a triumph without striking a blow—although that was due to the justice of the cause, recognized by every Power in Europe, he thought the Government were entitled to great credit in having in a moment of great difficulty sustained the dignity of this country as every Englishman would desire. (Applause.)"

Mr. Walter, in responding to the toast of "The County Members," spoke in favour of the adoption of some system for the collection of agricultural statistics, in favour of which he argued as follows :

It was clear that if it was an advantage to the buyer to know the probable amount of the supply, it must of necessity be equally an advantage to the seller. As the question now stood, the buyer of corn was really the only person in the community who had anything like a reasonable data to go upon in the management of his business. Corn dealers generally were a very sharp, shrewd set of men, who took every means of knowing what was the probable amount of corn in the country. Their whole existence depended mainly upon obtaining that information as far as they could. It was no disparagement to the farmer to say that. Supposing they wanted information with regard to the crops in Russia or any other foreign country, they would not go to the farmer ; no, they would go to the corn merchant. Now, surely, it must be as clear as noonday that to be behind the corn dealer on this subject is a great disadvantage to the agriculturist. Who is most likely to be taken in—the man who knows most or least upon the subject? They could not withhold from the corn dealer the advantages which be possessed in having information and statistics of foreign crops, and the probable requirements of the country, and the supply of corn throughout the world. Therefore the only way that remained to the farmers of putting themselves in an equally advantageous position and counterbalancing the infermotion brought to bear against them was by affording these agricultural statistics, and so became equally well informed. Depend upon it those who would benefit most were the farmers themselves, and he spoke that as a farmer. As to the mode of collecting the information, it would be very much left in their own hands. Whether it should be left by the constabulary, the postman, or other agency, was merely a matter of detail, and should be determined according to which is the most economical and convenient."

Mr. Benyon also responded, and expressed his dissent from his colleague as to the advisability of the employment of police-eonstables in the collection of statistics, although he agreed with him on

the broad question of the expediency of some kind of information on the subject of agriculture being obtained. -Mr. Locke King, M.P., writes to the Times to contradict the assertion made by Mr. Hubbard in his speech at Buckingham, that the Religious Worship Bill of last session was "initiated or promoted by the Liberation Society." Mr. Locke King states emphatically that he has not had, either directly or indirectly, any communication with the Society. — The Globe announces the death of the Rev. Hartwell Horne, rector of St. Edward the King, and St. Nicholas Aeons, in the City, and author of the celebrated Introduction to the Critical Study of the Holy Scriptures, and many other works of a similar character. Mr. Horne was born in 1780, but was not ordained till 1819, after the publication of his great work had attracted the notice of Dr. Howley, then Bishop of London, who was so struck by it that he immediately offered him ordination.

THURSDAY, JANUARY 30TH.

Messrs. Mason and Slidell, with their secretaries, Messrs. Eustis and M'Farland, arrived at Southampton on Wednesday morning, by the Royal Mail Company's steamer La Plata, the very vessel in which it was their intention to have sailed from St. Thomas two months ago. The news of their surrender was conveyed at Fort Warren, and then on the 1st of January, by a tipstaff, who had no papers to show, and it was only at the earnest request of Colonel Dymock, then commandant of the fort, that the prisoners consented to leave on such a discourteous announcement. They were conducted, in charge of the tipstaff and a party of marines, to Cape Seth, whence H. M. S. Rinaldo, which was in waiting for them, conveyed them to St.Thomas, where, after a stormy voyage, they arrived just two hours before the departure of the La Plata. They complain bitterly of the treatment they experienced at the hands of the Federal authorities. No attempt whatever at an ovation was made at Southampton, not even a single cheer being heard from the large crowd which had assembled to witness them landinr,...

— The Tuscarora left Southampton harbour on Wednesday morning, and brought up in Yarmouth roads, but nothing is positively known as to what her intended movements are. Her Majesty's ship Shannon arrived the same day, for the purpose of either assisting or relieving the Dauntless in her task of watching the two hostile frigates. All the debts incurred by the Nashville, amounting, it is said, to 6000/., have been paid. — A road across Hyde-park, for the accommodation of the enormous traffic which will set in during the Exhibition season from the Paddington, Euston-square, and King's-cross stations, and the north of London generally, has been decided upon, with the consent of her Majesty, by the Chief Commissioner of Works, and will be com menced as soon as the necessary powers can be obtained from Parliament. The new road will commence in the Bayswater-road, cross Kensington-gardens west of the Serpentine, and being never sunk less than twelve feet lower than the surface, can be carried under the carriage drive and Rotten-row by tunnelling. When it is considered that all the above-mentioned stream of traffic would otherwise have had to pass through the narrow avenue of Park-lane, it will be seen how pressing was the necessity for its construction.

FRIDAY, JANUARY 31ST.

— A meeting was held at the Loudon Tavern on Thursday with a view to the establishment of a "British North American Association," on the same principle as the Australian Association, founded some years ago. Mr. R. W. Crawford took the chair, and between fifteen and twenty members of the House of Commons were present. Sir J. Fergusson, M.P., proposed the following resolution :

" That this meeting, having carefully considered the growing importance of British North America, the extent of the British interests involved, and the desirability, for imperial reasons, of drawing closer the relations between the mother country and the provinces, is of opinion that a British North American Association should be formed, having the following principal objects in view— viz., the dissemination of official information regarding the material resources of the British North American provinces in respect to the employment of capital and labour, the collection and placing in available form for the use of the mem

bers the general statistics of the provinces, not only as concerning the development of their commerce, but also as regards the progress of the arts and sciences, and of their social and political condition ; and that the following gentlemen shall be the first members ot the association, which shall be called the British North American Association."

The resolution was supported by Mr. Kinnaird, the Commissioner of Crown Lands (from Canada), Mr. Wyld, M.P., and Mr. P. M. Van Koughnet, and was carried unanimously. A motion for the appointment of a committee to carry out the objects of the resolution were agreed to, and a vote of thanks had been awarded to the chairmen.

— A special meeting of the Common Council was convened at Guildhall on Thursday, the Lord Mayor in the chair, to consider the recommendation of the Bridge House Estate Committee that Mr. Page's design should be adopted for the proposed new bridge at Blackfriars. Mr. Wellington Valiance, chairmare of the Bridge House Estates Committee, explained the circumstances which had led to a special meeting being convened, and moved the adoption of the report, stating his conviction that a three-arch bridge, such as that designed by Mr. Page, was far preferable to one of five arches. He further mentioned that Sir John Rennie, Mr. Fowler, Mr. Hawkshaw' and other engineers, had also sent in designs for three-arch bridges. A discussion took place, in the course of which Deputy Fry moved that the report be referred back to the Committee ; and Mr. Kearns, a member of the Committee, complained that they had been surprised into the adoption of Mr. Page's design. Ultimately the meeting was adjourned for a fortnight.

— The annual meeting of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce was held on Wednesday, and was numerously attended. The report having been read, Mr. E. Potter, M.P., the president, moved its adoption, and spoke at some length on the principal points referred to, which were the American cotton question, Indian affairs, and colonial affairs. Pn the first, and most important, point, Mr. Potter said :

"He should like now to say a word as to the state of the entire cotton trade of the country. The entire consumption of cotton, he believed, in the Western hemisphere, in America, and in Europe was about 5,250,000 bales yearly. Unless there should be some alteration in American affairs, we lost almost the entire supply from America, which had hitherto been pretty nearly half the amount he had just named. From three and a half to four millions had been supplied by the Americans. He asked the meeting just to contemplate for one moment the consequences of that large proportion of the supply being taken away. If there should be no alteration in American questions for twelve months more—and it seemed just as doubtful to speculate on that subject now as it was twelve months back—then, under any circumstances, they should not have half a supply for the whole cotton trade of the world, omitting, of course, India. Let the meeting contemplate for a moment the idea of 14,500,0001. per annum withdrawn from the means of subsistence of the working classes of this country and others engaged in the cotton trade. He believed this was a startling fact, which had not yet been put so broadly as lie now stated it. What must be the consequences to our people at home, with a diminution of 7,500,000/. during the next twelve months? Of course, the suffering would find its way upwards to every class. The mischief would affect the working classes principally, but still it would bring destitution and misery, and be simply a check to civilization, to education, and to everything that was really good, daring the next twelve or eighteen months, if it continued. Could this chamber, then, suggest anything that might put an end to this most unhappy and miserable state of things? The causes of it, of course, he must touch upon rather tenderly, because they were, perhaps, political as much as anything else. He attributed it in the first instance, no doubt, to the existence of slavery in the .southern dominions of the United States. Slavery had been very profitable, he believed, and in times past it had festered to that extent that it bad demoralized and diseased the whole of the United States. To that, he thought, they had added an unsound system of protection, which was radically bad, and an unsound system of credit; and all these things had led to an unsound system, he believed, both of morals and finance. These were strong remarks to make, but they appeared to him to be called for, and the chamber could not discuss this question without either admitting or denying them ; and he thought it was their duty to see if they could not, after considering these points, if they believed they were partially correct, arrive at some mode of action lathe case."

Mr. Bazley seconded the motion, and after some discussion on our colonial affairs, the report was adopted unanimously.

— The Windham case came at last to an end on Thursday, the thirty-fourth day of its duration. Mr. Chambers, Q.C., who had been addressing the jury for nearly four whole days, concluded on Wednesday afternoon, and Master Warren, in consequence of the exhaustive manner in which Mr. Chambers had gone into the details of the case finished his summing up before the court arose. On Thursday morning Mr. Windham was examined privately bj the jury, notwithstanding a protest entered by Sir H. Cairns. lie is

said to have surprised all present by the readiness, coherence, and good sense of his answers, and after half an hour's subsequent deAeration, the jury returned a verdict to the following effect :

"That the said Mr. W. F. Windham, at the time of taking this inquisition, was a person of sound mind, so as to be sufficient for the government of himself, his manners, his messuages, his lands, his tenements, his goods, and his chattels."

On the announcement of the verdict, a tremendous burst of cheering arose in the court, which defied the utmost efforts of the Master to suppress it. Mr. Windham, who was present, was surrounded with a crowd anxious to congratulate him, received a perfect ovation on his way to his cab. Master Warren, in closing the proceedings, thanked the jury for the unremitting attention with which they had discharged their arduous duties.