ANNALS OF WINDSOR BY TIGHE AND DAVIS. * A VERY painstaking

and elaborate archieological work, although relating to a place at once the monarch's and the Muses' seat," cannot be so attractive as many books that appeal more di- rectly to the general sympathies of mankind. The "Annals of Windsor" by Messrs. Tighe and Davis, however, possesses greater attraction than might have been expected from a subject which is really topographical history-, with its trivial facts of temporary or local consequence, its minute details of ancient fashions, by- gone acts, or business particulars. A great part of this interest arises beyond all doubt from the greatness of the events and per- sons connected with the place. Originally founded by the Con- queror as a fortress, extended and beautified by the third Edward till the castle became a palace, and the occasional or frequent resi- dence of almost every other sovereign, Windsor was the scene of many actions and councils involving important political conse- quences, or of "high triumphs" and courtly pageants which raised as much emotion in many hearts as graver matters. Then poets have been connected with Windsor or resided there, Chaucer as surveyor, James the First of Scotland, Surrey ; and Denham, Waller, and Pope lived, if not at Windsor, yet in the immediate neighbourhood—though it is only the three first named that our authors notice other than passingly, probably because they rarely travel out of the records. Indeed, the records, including the chronicles and the municipal as well as the more national docu- ments really form a feature of the book, continually impressing upon the reader the extent and value of our muniments. By charters grants, and similar writings, we are carried back even to the Anglo-Saxon period, the usages, feelings, and opinions of those ancient times being frequently indicated. With the Nor- mans the records increase in number ; as time rolls on, under the Plantagenets, they multiply so greatly, and are kept where ac- counts are in question, with such business-like particularity that not only the nature of the things but the details of the cost are fully presented, and the reader can follow the extension of a building, the charges and provisions of an entertainment, or the materials and cost of a dress from that of royalty downward. In the fifth year of Henry the Eighth, the borough accounts com- mence, the municipal as well as royal disbursements appearing thenceforth. As the documents multiply in number, we do not know that they increase in interest. The compilers, however, adopt a stricter principle of selection as they approach the age of much printing as well as writing, though this strictness might advantageously have been carried to a greater extent. Other authorities exist besides records, or documents of the na- ture of records, in the old chroniclers. Some of their narratives may be doubtful, and some legendary ; as the tradition which ascribes the foundation of Windsor to King Arthur. Yet they contain probable facts and always exhibit the opinions of the age, when the chronicles were composed. A similar remark may be applied to the early ballads or tales that make Windsor the scene of their story. Windsor, however, is not the only subject of the book. Some account of Eton is also given, as well as that of several places in the vicinity. The Merry Wives of Windsor claims a whole chap- ter to itself for illustrations, and curious enough several of them are, though the mode of research and of exposition is somewhat ponderous. If the supposed piratical edition of the drama in 1602 approached correctness' there seems to be little doubt that Shak- spere executed his first design with but slender local knowledge. This he afterwards acquired, as appears not only by the exactness of his local details, but by other tests. Our authors discover the sign of the Garter, and lix the site of the hostel ; they think they can identify, biographically the very man who was mine host. They certainly prove that the names of Ford and Page were known at Windsor in the poet's time ; for although Page is not found till 1623, yet as the name occurs in connexion with burial, the inference that there were people about Windsor bear- ing the name before that date is obvious enough.

On examining the parish-registers of Windsor, we find among the christenings in January 1597-'8 the name of 'Elizabeth fforde ' ; and in December following, Margaret fforde.' In November 1600, there is the burial of Henry fforde.' "The churchwardens' accounts now in existence commence with the year 1616; and among the sums received for burials in that year is two shillings for the burial of 'John fford.' In 1619 there is the sum of one shilling received for the burial of 'Henry Ford ' ; and the name occurs in subsequent years.

" Nor are other names of the characters in the play altogether wanting. The name of Page although not to be found in the registers at the close of the sixteenth century, is met with in 1623. The churchwardens' accounts for that year contain the names of Ford and Page, fees being entered for the burials of Richard Page,' and Anne Ford.'" The first mention of the present town of Windsor is under Henry the First, but old Windsor existed in Saxon times, and was the subject of a grant by Edward the Confessor. The Con- queror took old Windsor as his own estate, and here are some particulars of its lands and. inhabitants from Domesday: "The arable land in the king's demesne was one carucate, onginally sig- nifying as much arable as could be managed with one plough and the beasts belonging thereto in a year; having meadow, pasture, and houses for the householders, and cattle belonging to it. The precise quantity probably • Annals of Windsor; being a History of the Castle and Town, with sonic Ac- count of Eton and Places adjacent. By Robert Richard Tighe, Esq., and James Edward Davis, Esq., Barrister-at-law. In two volumes. Published by Longtnans and Co. differed according to the nature of the soil, or the custom of the country. it appears to have approached in quantity to a hide, the carucate being a term of Norman introduction, the hide a Saxon division. " There were twenty-two villana,(i. e. holders of small portions of land at the will of their lord, rendering personal services to him who might dis- possess them whenever he pleased) and two bordarii, or catagers, who were of a less servile condition than the villans, holding their bond, or cottage and small parcel of land, on condition of supplying the lord with poultry and eggs, and other small provisions, but their condition probably differing 0, different manors; and one serous (who is supposed to have been a villan

i ) receiving wages instead of land, at the discretion of the lord.

"The villeins and bordarii had ten ploughs. Attached to the carucate, or plough-land, was a fishery, yielding a rent of six shillings and eightpence. There were forty acres of meadow-land and wood-land, for pannageia Which_ or the privilege of running and feeding hogs in it, fifty hogs were ennead; rendered to the lord. There was another wood, not subject to pannage, but fenced in, to secure the growth of the timber. "In the manor were ninety-five houses. These probably formed the village or town of Old Windsor, and were in the immediate vicinity of the old palace or king's residence, which was situated there, as already stated, in Edward the Confessor's reign. Of these houses, twenty-six were free from the payment of gabel, or tax, to the king. The others paid thirty

shillings. * * " The value of the manor in Edward the Confessor's reign was fifteen pounds, but afterwards reduced to seven pounds ; but at the time of the sur- vey was again estimated at fifteen pounds.

" This was the state of Old Windsor at the time of the survey. There is no trace of the existence of the town of New Windsor at that time."

There was a vineyard at Windsor Castle certainly by the reign of Henry the Second, and wine was both made and sold. No light is thrown upon the great points of this disputed subject, the kind, and quality of the wine, the " dura ilia" and palates of the drinkers.

"Among the appendages to the Castle at this period was the vineyard. The pay of the vintager and the expense of gathering the grapes, are among the regular annual charges relating to Windsor on the Pipe Rolls, from the commencement of the series in 1155. Lambarde says that in the Records it moreover appearethe that tythe hathe bone payed of wyne pressed out of grapes that grewe in the Little Parke theare,to the abbot of Waltham, which was parson bothe of the Old and New Wyndsore, and that accomptis have bone made of the charges of planting the vines that grewe in the aside parke, as also of making the wynes, whearof somme partes weare spent in the householde, and somme solde for the kiuges profits.' Stow gives a simi- lar account. He says that in the Records of the Honor Court of Windsor Castle, held in the outer Gatehouse, "is to be Beene the yeerely account of the charges of the planting of the vines that in the time of K. Richard the Second grew in great plenty within ye Litle Parke, as also of the making of the wine it selfe.'

Richard the Third, in the first year of his reign, granted to John Piers the office of Master of our Vyneyarde or Vynes nigh unto our Castel]. of Wynd- sore, and otherwise called the office of Keeper of our Gardyne called the Vyneyarde nigh unto our said Casten, to have and occupie the same office, by him or his deputie sufficient, for tame of his lyff, with the wages and fees of vi.d. by the day.' "

Small things mark character as well as large. The exact, per- haps rigorous nature of Edward the First's mind is shown by his proceedings immediately on his accession.

"Vigorous measures appear to have been adopted to improve the royal property in the vicinity of the castle. All the enclosures made in the forest in previous reigns, and let at will, were ordered to be got in 'without delay, and cultivated and sown. The lands let by deed were ordered to be exam- ined and measured, and any excess taken in hand ; waste spots were also ordered to be reduced into cultivation. [Originalia, Re. 21.] A few years later the constable was directed, with the assistance of the verderers and fo- resters, to sell the old dead oak-trees, [` reborn folia non portantia,1 in the forest, as well without as within the park of Windsor, and also to sell the grove of alders and other trees in the park. [Originalia, 8 Edw. I, Ro. 13.]

"The inquisitors under the special commission, issued under the Great Seal, in the second year of the reign of Edward the First, (A.D. 1273) made the following return relative to Windsor.

" ' Borough of Windsor.

" ' Of the farms of the hundred, &c. "'They say that Geoffry Picheford holds the borough of Windsor, with the manor of Old Windsor, to farm, for twenty-five pounds, and it is worth thirty pounds per annum.

"'Of antient suits and other things withdrawn from the lord the king:

"'They say that the men of the townships of Over Hucham [Hitcham,] Dorney, Chalveyr, Boveney, Burnham, and the town of Beckenesfend, [Bea- consfield?] in the county of Bucks, are always accustomed to give toll at Windsor of all their merchandise, and all which are withdrawn by the King of Almaigne [the king's uncle, Richard, Earl of Cornwall, titular Emperor of Germany,] and William Pasket his bailiff, and the Earl of Cornwall con- tinues all these things to the present time. * * * * Item, the lord the king is accustomed to take in Windesor of tenements formerly of Jordan Clot, Anastasius de Windesor, Walter the Clerk, Roger Vintdeners, and Roger le Brua, suit of court, toll, tallage, parmage, and every royalty, all which are withheld by the Prior of Merton for twenty-five years past, to the yearly damage of the king of half a mark and more. "'Of those, besides the king, who claim to have return or estreat of writs, " ' They say that the Prior of Merton has of late assize of bread and ale, and tasters of ale in the said borough, and holds pleas of nameo vetito, and claims to have the right of trying thieves, but they know not by what war- rant. Item the Abbess of Burnham has raised a certain market at Beken- feld for sixteen years, they know not by what warrant. Item, that the said [abbess] has raised another market at Burnham, in prejudice of the lord the king and of the market of Windesore.' " The report of Royal commissioners touching the King's damage of "half a mark and more," is rather evidence of the exactitude of our ancestors than of the royal penuriousness. It is, however, extremely difficult to form a judgment on the value of money in ancient times compared with the present day. The difference of metal in the particular coin is easily ascertained, but the question of the value of silver, at any particular time compared with other periods is not very easy to determine. The effect of supply .on the price of commodities, the same principle applied to the paucity of skilled labour, and the different modes of -living and of ex- penditure further complicate the question. If we take the value of money during the reign of John at fifteen times its present

rate, which is a common estimate, "half a mark and more" might amount to six or seven pounds, which a Commissioner would not omit now, especially where a question of title is involved. Materials for considering this question of value often turn up, but seldom unattended with difficulties. Thus there seems at first a strange discrepancy in these payments by John's son and successor.

"Some idea of the military defence of the castle may be formed from an order of this year for the payment monthly, during the king's pleasure, to Bernard de Savoy, of 25/. 15s. 84., for the use of four knights in our afore- said castle, each of them taking 28. per day ; and for the use of eleven sol- diers there, each of them taking 94. per day ; and for the use of seven watchers there, each of them taking 24. per day ; and for the use of Burnell, the carpenter, and certain cross-bowmen, each of whom takes 64. per day.' Also the treasurer was ordered to pay to the same Barnard, for the use of the aforesaid seven watchers, 70s. to wit, to each of them lat., for their sti- pends for one year.' A few days later another order occurs, for paying 12d. per day, arrears of wages, to our ten soldiers dwelling in Windsor Castle.' The constable was also paid 40s. for the livery of Geoffrey de Laundele, our servant dwelling in our castle of Windsor, who receives daily 'TM.' There is an order of an earlier date for payment of 71., the wages of six servants and one bowman, for twenty days, at 124. each." Half-a-crown a day for watchers, and seven and sixpence for carpenters, is not extraordinary either as absolute or propor- tionate wages ; for artisans were very much scarcer then than now. Ninepenee and a shilling a day, equivalent on the before mentioned supposition to eleven and threepence, and fifteen shillings, looks an enormous pay for soldiers according to our present practice ; but the man-at-arms was a very superior person to the rank and file of these days, and possibly had in some respects "to find himself." Thirty shillings a day for a knight was not a very great deal more that a man of equivalent standing might receive under our modern system. Howeverthe whole question of value is a puzzle, and 'those who wish to

try and solve it will find in these volumes many materials for the purpose. Edward the First was often engaged in wars, but he can scarcely be called a warlike prince in a Homeric or chivalrous sense. He did not fight for fighting's sake, but for some substantial political purpose, as the annexation of Wales and Scotland. This characteristic probably induced him when he gave a tournament in Windsor Park to have what was called a "peaceable joust," apparently not differing very much from what an "enterprising manager" might get up now. The information comes down to us in a tailor's bill.

"Articles were purchased in England and Paris by the hands of Adinett the tailor, whose account is still preserved.

"Armour was provided for all the knights. It appears to have been of leather gilt; and various sums, from 78. to 25s., were paid for making and gilding each suit to the three persons employed, Cosmo the tailor, Salvag' the tailor, and Reymunde de Burdieus. At the end of this item of the ac- count, there is a memorandum, stating that each suit of armour consisted of a tunic, a surcoat, a pair of ailettes, (appendages to the shoulders,) a crest, a shield, a helmet of leather, and a sword of ' balon,' supposed to be a sword wrapped round with woollen list or cloth, for the purpose of blunting its edge.

"The sum of three shillings was paid for the carriage of the armour from London.

"The shields were of wood, and provided by Stephen the joiner, at 54 each. Peter the furbisher provided the thirty-eight swords, made of balon and parchment, at 74. a piece, and was paid 25s. for silvering them, and 64. for gilding the pomels and hilts with pure gold. Ralph de is Hay received 128. for gilding with pure gold twelve helmets for the knights of the highest rank ; and for silvering the remainder, 178. 44., being after the rate of 84. each. Milo the currier furnished thirty-eight head-pieces of leather, resembling horses' heads, at 2s. each ; and thirty-eight pair of little wings of leather, at 84. the pair. Richard Paternoster provided eight hun- dred little bells, sixteen skins for making bridles, and half a horse's skin for cruppers and twelve dozen silken cords for tying on the ailettes. Seventy- six calf-skins provided for making the crests. The articles provided in England amounted to 80/. 118. 84. Those procured from Paris consisted chiefly of furs, of various kinds, for the use of the royal family, the king's .ouch, the queen's mantle, &c., amounting in the whole to 608/. 18s. 64. of Paris money."

Quarrels and litigations, however culpable in the abstract, have certainly furnished occasion for recording many things relating to manners and character that would not otherwise have been preserved. The poor Knights of Windsor were frequently con- tending with the clergy upon various points. An inquiry they were the means of getting up, by the Chancellor of England at the beginning of Richard the Second's reign, reflected no great credit on either party.

"The Chancellor went in person to Windsor' and examined the dean, canons, and vicars, and also certain of the military knights and elders ; and made a report of the existing abuses. "The fines imposed on the knights for not attending the chapel were pocketed by the dean. and disposed of at his pleasure ; and he dealt in the same way with the gifts and bounties of lords and noblemen, made to the chapel and college, to the exclusion of the knights. He also kept the sala- ries of the vicars too long in his hands, and also appropriated to his own use the dues of the vacant vicars' stalls. The church ofFokkesaire' ' appro- priated to the college, had been let to farm to Thomas Tuppeleye, alayman, for his life, he living with his wife and family in the rectory-house. The Øt of 200/. by William of Wykeham was wholly lost, no one receiving the interest or knowing what had become of the principal.

"In addition to the licentious conduct of 'Thomas Tawne and John Bre- ton, two of the elder knights, it appeared that Breton was insolent in his manner, late in going to the chapel, and too hasty in leaving it, and when he knelt at prayers he immediately went to sleep, so that he could be scarcely roused to receive the sacrament at the altar.

"Edmund Clove, one of the canons, was profligate and irreverent, talk- ing scandal to laymen at mass time and other hours. John Loryng, another canon, neglected his attendance at chapel, and was devoted to hunting and fishing. John Chicester, a vicar, was convicted of adultery. The canons generally slurred over their duties, attending only one hour daily in the chapel, and walking off the moment they received their daily pay. "It ameared that the dean had converted the college close into a kitchen. garden, The records of the college, moreover, were negligently kept. "it is superfluous to say that the dean in addition to his own lax con- duct, was reported to have exercised no vigilance in checking and correcting the misconduct of those under hini, so that the canons paid no respect to his office.

"The Chancellor took steps to reform these various abuses."

These extracts give a notion of the book to no later a period than the latter half of the fourteenth century, and they are of a scanty nature. Many points we have left altogether untouched. Even Magna Charta is unnoticed, though during the encampment of the Barons at Riumimede John resided at Windsor, going to conference in the morning and coming back at night. Nor have we introduced any reference to the story of the Order of the Garter ; though, whatever other doubts may attach to it, there is no doubt that Windsor was the place of its inception and completion. With advancing civilization materials increase ; but as already inti- mated, often without much increase of interest, though showing greater variety and more colour, especially when we reach the ages of letter-writing and printed books. The matter throughout reflects the manners and characteristics of the age. The book, however, is rather remarkable for its store of materials than for its artistica' workmanship. The ample volumes are handsomely "got up" and copiously illustrated by plates from rare original drawings, with numerous wood-cuts interspersed through the text.