IRELAND.

A Committee of Dublin Corporation, appointed to inquire and report on the potato-disease, held a meeting on Tuesday; and Mr. O'Connell spoke at some length—

In his opinion, there was but one course to be adopted: the exportation of corn and provisions oT every kind should be prohibited, distillation and brewing stop- ped, and the ports opened for the admission of foreign grain duty-free. The ad- mirable example set by the King of the Belgians and by the Governments of Russia and Turkey should be acted upon. The calamity was so great that the Government were bound to assist the people. If an application were made to England for assistance, he had no doubt but they would be met with a cry, "Why don't you find resources in your own country ? " But he would show that they were not without resources. The Commissioners of Woods and Forests de- rive 74,000/. a year from Ireland, which is usually expended on the embellish- ments of London. What he would propose is, that one million and a half of money should be raised on the security of that sum, and appropriated to the use of the Irish people in their present emergency. It would likewise be absolutely necessary at the present crisis to impose a tax upon property for the purpose of assisting in the mitigation of the evil with which they were threatened; and he would therefore suggest that absentees should be taxed at the rate of 50 per cent, and residents at the rate of 10 per cent. Should it become necessary to distribute provisions among the people, it would be better that they should be given as the price of labour, and not expended on the idle and indolent. For this purpose, some new railways, or other public works, should be undertaken, and the people set to work from North to South. If the Executive carried out these sugges- tions, they would receive the approbation of every well-disposed person in the community.

Mr. O'Connell moved that a deputation be appointed to wait upon the Lord-Lieutenant, and urge the adoption of his suggestions by the Govern- ment; which was carried unanimously. He further proposed, that the Lord Mayor should convene a meeting of the nobility, gentry, and mer- chants of Dublin, to be held on Friday at the Mansionhouse' for the pur- pose of taking into consideration the alarming position of the country. The suggestion having been adopted, the Committee adjourned.

A meeting at Rathkeale, on Wednesday tennight, was made to serve the double purpose of a demonstration of respect to Mr. Smith O'Brien, the Member for Limerick County, and of an ordinary Repeal de- monstration; being the last monster-meeting for the season. At the open- air meeting, the Repeal journals estimate the numbers present to have been 80,000 or 100,000 people. The leaders, however, seem to have felt some disappointment at the quality of the meeting; as Mr. Smith O'Brien in- timated when he said—" I regret that I do not see around me some of the landed gentry of this county, whom I would gladly see associated with me in the struggle for the redemption and regeneration of our common country."

The tone of Mr. O'Brien's speech at the dinner also was more hortatory than hopeful. Repeal, he said, "was the dream of his existence---for it he lived; and he trusted that the time was not come, and never would come, when he should tell them that for it he would die." He mixed up a good deal of allusion to his own devotion to Repeal, braving of Newgate, and so forth, with the following rebukes to others-

" Let it not be supposed that in pursuit of Repeal we have abandoned the other interests of the country: on the contrary, we are the only persons who devote their energies to the true interests of the country. I challenge the Con- servative Members to tell me what are their labours—as to the Whigs they have no existence as a party—they are wholly unsupported; and it is the support which the Repeaters receive from the Irish. people that gives them weight and influence. If I had a complaint to make, it would be of those Representatives who, professing to be Repeaters, do not attend Conciliation Hall. * * • The men who at the next election present themselves as candidates for the Representa- tives of the Irish People should be prepared to attend in Conciliation Hall, or go to London to brave the enemy. * • • It hiss been my lot to observe in this country that there are persons occupying perhaps an artificial station in society, of such base hearts and weak intellects as to suppose they can repress this mighty poplar movement by this petty persecution. (Cheers.) As well might an inidual attempt to arrest the surge of the Atlantic by throwing into it a pebble, as to hope by such means to repress and check the determination of the Irish nation. (Cheers.) The attempt proves their utter insignificance. I am sorry to say that I know individuals, holding senements in accordance with your own, who on account of petty persecutions are deterred from giving aid to your cause. Some of those are unwilling, perhaps, to lose their dignity of a Justice of Peaceship."

He again alluded to physical force- " I am not disposed to raise the question as to whether or not the principal of the British constitution sanctions under any circumstances, an appeal to physical

force. I am persuaded that as sanctions, the interests of the present, the employ-

ment of physical force would not only be questionable in point of morality, but fatal in point of policy. I know frill well that many of my fellow-countrymen- that nineteen-twentieths of the peasantrycollected here today—would rather settle this matter by fighting than in any other way; but at the same time, I am not the man to counsel them to that course. First of all, its success would not be justifiable in point of morality; next, its success, under present circumstances, would be doubtful—probably defeat would be certain. I feel so strongly that this country has from age to age been thrown back in her exertions to emancipate herself by futile and premature rebellion, that I trust that neither I nor my children may live to see another—(" Hear, hear, hear!" and cheers)—unsuccessful outbreak. ("Hear, hear!") Our course is clear, under the present circumstances, —admitting, which I fully admit, that seven-eighths of the population are favourable to the achievement of Repeal. Still, considering the circumstance that a large preponderating majority of those possessed of lauded property are still

adverse —consideriug the circumstance that in the North of Ireland there are large bodies of the Protestant population opposed to us,—considering those circum- stances, Repeal would lose half its benefit, and all its security, if carried forcibly. Therefore we should not forego any opportunity of conciliation. I cannot persuade

myself that if this principle were properly worked out, it would not fail, in a short period, to range beneath our banners those at present hostile to us."

Mr. O'Connell, amid the usual topics discussed in the usual way, said that Repeal must be obtained if only as a cure for Absenteeism: "there are remedies for almost every other grievance; there is none for the ab- sentee drain but Repeal of the Union." But he professed another object in his agitation-

" There is another point upon which we are straggling now, and that is to augment the exercise of the prerogative of the Crown. The concentration of the Ministerial power has ever—the first officer of the Crown—an authority that is unlimited in its nature. The Minister is everything—the Queen is nothing. The Queen has no actual power: she enjoys trips of pleasure, and matters of that kind that most respected lady may enjoy., but political powers she has none. I Want the people ot England to know that I am addressing them from this spot. You think I am addressing you, but I am not; and I tell the people of England, that the concentration of so much power gives the Crown into the hands of the Ministers. That Minister domineers over the Queen: whoever the majority of the House of Commons chooses to make Minister is the real Monarch of the day; he may permit the Queen to have such chambermaids as she pleases, or he may re- fuse it at his own option. The entire power of the State is in the hands of the British Ministry; and the Crown is a mockery and delusion, instead of being an authority as it ought to be. Repeal the Union, and the Ministerial power in Ire- land would counterbalance the Ministerial power in England; and the Queen' by 'vine. a balance to one side or the other, would augment her own authority. The Repel of the Union is a Royalist phrase, restoring the prerogatives of the Crown restrained by Parliamentary authority, but self-acting with a responsible Minister, and with a Parliament to check usurpation as at the present moment."

At the usual meetine.' of the Repeal Association, on Monday, Mr.O'Con- nell delivered a series of speeches on affairs in general. First, be alluded to the dissensions among Repealers. He read some correspondence from Sligo, which he considered to prove the restoration of tranquillity in that town. Waterford, however, was much disturbed: he would, if necessary, go thither himself to restore peace; but meanwhile he warned Sir Henry Barron, that if he continued his refusal to become a member of the Asso- ciation, he would be set at defiance. Having enlarged on the practicability and necessity of returning sixty-five or seventy Repeal Members to Par- liament, he read a letter from the North of England, which stated, that out of 1,000 or 1,200 Irishmen employed on the Lancaster Railway, not more than five or six could be induced to join the Association, in conse- quence of his denunciations of Ribandism: but he declared that he would continue to denounce it, and every other secret society, though he were by doing so not to leave himself a single follower. He adverted to the sub- ject of the statues for the Parliament Palace; beginning with an attack on Oliver Cromwell ; followed by an assault on Bacon, as "a judge who took bribes," justly called by Pope "the wisest, brightest, meanest of mankind."

Well, then came Wycliffe, John Knox, and John Wesley. Wycliffe was the ret man who introduced the doctrine denying the real presence in England; and he asserted that the Sovereign forfeited his authority by the commission of one mortal sin,—rather inconvenient for the monarchs of the present age. He possessed none of the dignity which belonged to the English character; for he apostatized a second time, and returned to his curacy. What was his end? He fe ll dead as he was saying mass, just at the elevation: false to himself, false to his country, false to his God. They were about to give him a statue! Then came John Knox, he whom Dr. Johnson had called "the ruffian of the Reforma- tion": and certainly a more unmitigated ruffian never existed. One of his prin- cipal works was against female sovereigns; he denounced that as the most hideous thing in the world. Mr. O'Connell hoped that his statue would hold that work in its hands. Did her Majesty really know of the fact? But he did worse than that—he was the assassin of Cardinal Beaton; he was the principal actor in "the real gunpowder plot," the murder of King Henry Darnley. They were really going to give that ruffian a statue: why, there ought to be another erected next to it of Dick Turin. "Honest" Wesley was the next he would notice,— a fellow who changed his religion half a dozen times, and each time left a memo- randum "that his last religion was the most damnable in the world." He absolutely " excommunicated " a lady in South Carolina because she refused to marry hum. She got off very cheap. Mr. O'Connell further attacked the Wesleyan Methodists at large, as a most bigoted and powerless body, with a Pope of their own, rejoicing in the euphonic name of Jabez Bunting. NI ell, there they were—Wycliffe, Wesley, and John Knox—a pretty trio, just fit to "polka" with Cromwell, Monk, and a certain gentleman in black of whom he had spoken at the last meeting. Next he attacked Queen Elizabeth,—"an outrage:on humanity and the sex to which she belonged": a more profligate wretch never existed, nor a greater stain on humanity. He would merely refer to her letter to Sir A. Paulet, instigating him to that scaeesination of the Queen of Scots which she afterwards effected legally: that letter was extant, and proved his assertion. He hoped these remarks would leave some impression, and rescue England from the disgrace of infficting such statues on the country. At all events, he had done his duty- " liberan animam meam," he exclaimed; "I'll go and vote against every one of those statues."

He made some allusion to the address of the newly-organized Orange- men; • a perfectly harmless document— Lords Roden and Enniskillen were like two worthy. Aldermen in Cork, who always voted against the Catholics. One said to the other," I don't know why, but I hate those Papists." "And so do I, Dick," said the other, " for exactly the same reason." (Cheers and laughter.) All the grievance under which the Orangemen seemed to labour was, that they were not permitted to tyrannize over their Catholic brethren. They were like the American, who indignantly de- mended of an English constable who would not permit him to beat his slave, "Is this a land' of liberty, where a man cannot larrup his own Black?" (Loud cheers and laughter.) He repeated his comparatively new position that the Queen is destitute of political power; which led his speech to the "gutter Commissioner" of the Times—

He had seen him at Limerick, and he really was not so ugly a firnw as he thought he was. He was going about with a Mr. Watson, an amiable perm; enough in private life, but propnetor of a paper which was well called "The Lie." (Cheers and laughter.) He referred to him in the present instance for the pur- pose of warning the Roman Catholic clergy against him. They would have cause to be sorry for it if they did not beware of having anything to say to him. The fellow was going about among them; and lately had called on Dean O'Shaugh- nessy, a most perfect gentleman, to whom, as he was about leaving, he said that he had seen enough of the Irish people to be sure that they were not worthy of Repeal, nor fit for a more extended franchise—(Groans)—whereupon the Dean said to him, "Sir, if you were not in my house, I would order the servant to kick you out" (Cheers and laughter.) The rent for the week was 2491.

The Tipperary Vindicator announces a new adherent to Repeal in the person of the Honourable Henry. Prendergast Vereker, eldest son of Viscount Gort and grandson of Colonel Vereker; who offers himself as a future Member for Limerick city. The terms of the declaration, imputed to Mr. Vereker are not, however, very explicit.

The Times Commissioner continues his useful letters on the state of Ireland and its causes; but we have not thought it necessary to keep up a running notice of communications that go over a great deal of beaten ground; which is no doubt necessary to a complete view, and not incon- venient with the broad space of a daily paper, but very unsuitable for the partial extracts which we can transfer to our columns once a week. Our readers will understand, until we announce the close of the "commission," that the writer continues; and that meanwhile we make extracts according to the interest of particular passages, or the space that we can devote to the purpose.

In a letter from Limerick, the Commissioner throws some new light on the popular complaint, that the tenant's improvements only draw upon him a rise of rent: it is shown that it is still his interest to improve- " In conversing with the tenants in almost any part of Ireland where I have yet been, the usual complaints are against high rents, want of tenure, and want of encouragement on the part of the landlords. If you ask a tenant who is loud in these complaints, and who is evidently steeped in poverty, and who therefore apparently has truth to back him, why he leaves one-half of his farm undrained, untrenched, unimproved, and in the most wretched state of cultivation, you are quite certain to be met with the reply, Sure, who should I improve for? My landlord would raise my rent directly; and if I could not pay it, he would tarn me out, and another would get my farm that I had improved. Sure, Not I be ruining myself by improving, and only benefiting the landlord?' Not only have I continually heard this from the tenants, but scores of times from the Roman Catholic priests, who surely ought to know better. Often and often I have tried to convince them in vain of the truth of that common sum in arithmetic that three and two make five'; that if the tenant, by improving his land, can make it yield a profit of 5/. the acre where it yielded no profit at all before—and taking them on their own ground, and supposing the worst, that the landlord did immediately raise their rent from 5s. to 21. an acre—still, if they put a balance of 31. into their pockets by the improvement, it was clearly their advantage to improve, even though that which they seem so terribly afraid of should take place, and their hard landlords (assuming them to be such) should increase their

rentals, and profit 21. by the improimprovement.." It may be of advantage to point this clearly out, and to prove the fact by

figures and evidence. In one of my early letters from Donegal, relating to piece of land at Pettigo, I showed that a piece of land which before was worth- less, on being properly cultivated left a profit of 81. per annum on an average of three years. Deduct the most exorbitant rent you please, or which any landlord

would have the conscience to impose, from this, say 3/. an acre, still you have the tenant putting 51. a year into his pocket over and above the rent, as the reward

of his improvement, from hind which was worth nothing to him. * * • [This position is further strengthened by an ample citation of figures and calcu- lations derived from real transactions.] "On passing through the county of Clare to this town, [Limerick,] I had the opportunity of seeing some judicious improvements which have been effected by Mr. David John Wilson, of Belvoir, on his estate, in draining and subsoiling, and

in building for his tenantry a better description of cottage. This gentl man, though spending from 4001. to 5001. a year in improvements, from 2001. to 3001.

of which is appropriated to paying his tenants to drain and subsoil their lands at so much per perch, has found the greatest difficulty in inducing his tenants to change their old mode of cultivation. Every such step taken by any landlord is viewed with suspicion by the tenantry; they look east only as a means of in-

creasing the rents, and never for a moment consider the benefits which they themselves will derive from it, even though their rents are increased. Mr. Wilson 'a

plan, after thus improving a farm chiefly at his own expense, is to add one-half of the increased value to the original rent agreed m, as a repayment to him for the outlay of his capital, the other half going to the benefit of his tenants. In consequence, however, of compelling his tenants to follow an improved system of cultivation, this gentleman has already received one or two notices that he will be shot! •

" This year, unhappily, their potato crops have generally failed. I am sorry to say that I was today informed by the priest of the parish of Clonlea, in the barony of Tulle, the district in Clare about which I have just written, that the potatoes gene- rally are infected with disease. He last week saw eight barrelsof potatoes, or about five months' provisions for a family, apparently sound, put into a pit, and sixty barrels put into another pit which on being opened today, had not a barrel of available potatoes in either nearly the whole of the potatoes were found to be diseased and decomposed. His accounts to me are most alarming. On digging the potatoes generally throughout the district, they are found in the same man- ner diseased. A black spot on them spreads under the surface of the skin round the potato, and at length goes through to the heart of it, the whole substance be- coming black and decomposed. Some of the people have given up digging their potatoes in despair; and it is most alarming to contemplate what the result may be. It is, however, certain that some steps will be required to be taken to avert the horrors of a famine. This is a subject too imme- diately pressing and dreadful to work out an argument. But had these poor people cultivated and improved their land as they might have done, without stupidly refusing to improve because it would benefit their land- lords, the extra profit in their pockets, which they would be certain to have made, would be sufficient to avert the severity of the calamity which they now appre- hend.

"It may astonish souse English farmers to learn that these tenants told me they were constantly in the habit of getting nine successive crops of oats off this

mountain-land, manuring with lime only every third year, till at length it would grow nothing but a few weeds; and that it is almost impossible, without running the risk of being shot, to get than out of their old habit of cultivation after this fashion.

"This, however, strongly points out the necessity of securing to the ru' ring generation the means of being taught agricultural knowledge. That knowledge will dispel their present stupid and prejudiced notions—will, in fact, teach thent the trade by which they live—will secure them from periodical famines--and, insuring them comfort and competence, will benefit everyclasa in the comm