Firm stand
PENRY WILLIAMS
Shaping of the Elizabethan Regime: bethan Politics, 1558-72 Wallace affrey (Cape 63s)
fessor MacCaffrey views the first o years of the reign of Elizabeth I a dual perspective. Seen in close-up, mark the end of that turbulent crisis h opened with Henry VIII's divorce, they witness the beginning of a new of political calm and stability. In a r frame, they -are part of . the trans-..
tion of the • political -world from a centred .upon the crown to one in h the monarchy was partnered by a and ill-defined elite. The old war-lords had rivalled and curbed the king in fifteenth century were replaced by an ocracy whose principal strength derived religious ideology.
hough this' conception provides a !dating and promising framework for lysis, MacCaffrey seems for much of time to forget about it. -His book mbles a triptych whose- wings seem .to e only a tenuous connection with the repiece. Prologue and conclusion pro- a general discussion of .power and Jence: the major ;parts Of, the hook is etailed narration of Elizabethan diplo- and - court Politic* 'As such- . it is competent and .balanced. A -reader ainted :with . Froude,' .Conyers. Read Neale will ,not encounter a great deal is 1,.vhcaly: -peisf'; "hut anyone coming `1 to -the 'subject- will certainly find it best and most up-to-date introduction critical era. The assessment of Elizabeth If is admirably cool and disengaged- .1come change from the hot eulogies of nt years.
acCaffrey's application of his own tical framework is, however, unsuccess- In the first place, some of the con- are not worked out with sufficient A principal theme of the book is the ml establishment of political stability: he notion of stability is a more corn- ed and difficult matter than he seems low.
is certainly true that by 1572 extremely threatening diplomatic situa- of the previous four years had been ively changed. It is also true that een 1572 and about 1596 fluctuations C power of court factions were much sharp than in the past. Under the ulous, suspicious and ruthless Henry the movement of the political pendu- had been rapid and dangerous. Under beth—more cautious, more trusting, vengeful—the political scene-shifters much less work. But to a large extent was the consequence of personality: ledge that the Queen would stay loyal illiam Cecil inhibited any serious Pt to unseat him after 1569.
the problem presented by the ssion *to the throne was altogether alarming. What would happen when beth died? The question was no
nearer to a solution in 1572 than it had been in 1562; and it was only resolved by the execution of Mary Stuart and by Elizabeth's own longevity. Was there any serious danger of a violent attempt upon the throne? Certainly there was. The defeat of Wyatt's rebellion in 1554 and of the northern earls in 1569 had admittedly shown the futility of open revolt. But assassina- tion remained a real threat. Most of the plots were muddled and amateur in their conception; but that did not rob them of their menace. The histories of sixteenth century France and twentieth century America should convince us that no very intelligent or elaborate organisation is needed for political murder. Supposing there had been an English Ravaillac, would the political structure have been tough enough to withstand the consequences?
The fundamental weakness of Mac- Caffrey's method lies in its restricted approach. The analysis suggested in his prologue ciught Surely to' embrace much more than court politics and international diplomacy.. The crown's, means of main- taining control, the structure of aristocratic power -in the regions; the political structure of the country as a .whole must all be con- sidered.. These are matters to which Professor MacCaffrey has in the past made valuable and original contributions; in the present book they are largely submerged by the weight of detailed narrative. But if one finishes this book with some feeling of disappointment, it is because the author's own previous work and his stimulating prologue have raised high one's expecta- tions.
Previous page
