SCOTLAND.
The Queen held a Privy Council at Balmoral Castle yesterday week. It was attended by the Prince Consort, the Duke of Richmond, the Earl of Elgin, and Lord John Russell.
On the 23d her Majesty gave a breakfast to about two hundred mem- bers of the British Association. They were present at the Highland games performed by the Forbes and Farquharson clans in the grounds of the Castle. The Queen was present and distributed the prizes. Her Majesty has driven out to visit the neighbouring country, and has passed a night at Altnagussach, where the Prince Consort was stalking the deer. The Prince of Wales has been engaged in the same healthy sport. The list of guests at Balmoral include the names of the Count of Flan- ders, the Duke of Richmond, the Earl of Elgin, General Sabine, Pro- fessor Phillips, Mr. Oliphant, Sir Roderick Murchison, Sir Charles Lyell, and Mr. Thompson of Banchory.
The freedom of the city of Aberdeen was presented to Lord John Rus- sell on Wednesday, at a meeting in the Music Hall. As in duty bound Lord John delivered a speech. After some remarks on the subject of reform of no very definite nature, he laid down the rule of doing as we would be done by as the guiding principle of his foreign policy, and took up the Italian question.
" Gentlemen, there is a question on which I will venture to touch before I conclude, because, though not one in which we have taken an immediate part, it is one in which I think every Briton must take a deep interest. I allude to that which has taken place, and is taking place, in Italy. (Cheers.) You will permit me to refer to events of some time back, but which are a
clue to that which is happening at the present moment. For centuries the Italian people—a people rich both in commerce and agriculture—have been subject to foreign Powers—sometimes to the "Germans, sometimes to the French. About sixty years ago a general, full of youth, full of genius, full of capacity of every kind, both for war and for civil affairs, entered Italy and declared that he came to give liberty to that people. The Italian
people were delighted—the whole of Lombardy was in a state of joy and ecstasy, and although his warlike operations were successful, yet for a time
it came to be that the French Government was the Government of Italy, and in 1814 the people of Lombardy were averse to that foreign dominion, and earnestly desired a change. They applied to an English general, Lord William Bentinck, as honest a lover of liberty as ever existed ; they applied to him, and they applied afterwards to the English Minister, to learn what was to be their fate. The English Minister told them that their fate was very well settled—that the Emperor of Austria had been kind enough to declare that he would take charge of Lombardy, and therefore he, the Eng- lish Minister, had only to refer them to the Austrian Minister. Well, they have had this new government up to 1859—to the present time —and every year they became more and more averse to it. Well, I am
not saying whether they were justified in their dislike of the former French government or of the late Austrian government—I am only telling you what was the fact known to you all—no more. Well, it had occurred some ten or twelve years ago to some men of very ardent hopes and great literary talents, that these foreign nations had not succeeded in attaining the affec- tions or confidence of the Italians—that the Italians might as well govern Italy themselves. It was a new notion, but not a very unnatural one. In 1848-'49 they made the attempt. Unfortunately they succeeded so ill that they gave people a great distrust of their power of self-government ; but the Emperor of the Frenehlhaving conguered-Lombardy in the present year made a wise and magnanimous declaration that he did not go to conquer Lom- bardy for himself,-but that the Italians should be the free citizens of a great country. The Italians, not only in Lombardy, but in Tuscany, Modena, and Parma, have acted upon this declaration, and they have made tempo- rary and provisional governments to themselves, declaring that they wish hereafter to be the free citizens of a great country. (Applause.) Well, I ask, has there been any mischief produced ? Because I think with regard to this matter of states and nations regulating their own government, it is not very different from that of a man—say in this city of Aberdeen—regulating his own house. But, at the same time, it is possible that a man may manage his house in such a way as to be a great nuisance to his neighbours. For instance, he may start a pyrotechnic manufactory in his house, making ex- periments to try his skill, and, it may be, sending up sky-rockets into the air every evening in order to see the effect. This would not seem to be agree- able, because other householders might conceive that their houses might be set on fire. Instead of wishing to encourage the gentleman to do whatever he pleases in his own house, the Lord Provost might be called on to inter- fere with that gentleman because he was likely to set fire to the houses of his neighbours—but has anything of that sent occurred in Italy ? Can any man say there is such a diaturbanee of order at Milan, Modena, or Florence, that the neighbours—the Austrians, or other neighbours—are called upon to interfere ? (Cheers.) On the contrary, the conduct of' this people, just emancipated, who have been subject to foreign rule for many years, who might have been expected to burst into some excess—possibly some outrage against the persons who are most odious to them—they have conducted their matters with perfect order—with such order as if they had been the citizens of a country which had long been free. (Cheers.) Well, then, gentlemen, I say, though we can claim no credit for having enabled these people to assert their freedom—although we have been bystanders, and I think for very good and sufficient reasons, have taken no part tho hos- tilities of this spring ; yet I think we are bound to say—we do say, and we have said—that against any interference of foreign force to prevent those people having their own government and conducting their affairs as they like, we do most loudly and solemnly protest—(loud cheers) —and therefore, gentlemen, be the terms of the treaty now negotiated what they may, if hereafter, consequent upon that treaty, there shall be that of which you have heard, no doubt, and which has been frequently talked of—if there shall be a congress of the Powers of Europe—if it shall be the wish of those Powers which have taken part in those hostilities that in the final settlement of Italy and the acknowledgment of the different states belonging to it the other Powers of Europe should take part in these consultations, we might assist only upon one condition, namely, that with respect to using foreign force in order to compel fulfilment of the conditions of peace, whatever they may be, so as not to interfere with the right of the people of this country to manage their own concerns—that, if such should be the object, or may be the result of such language, England may stand apart and take no concern. (Loud applause.) But, gentlemen, I feel con- vinced, and such is the language, not of one of those Powers, but of both those Powers, that whatever their opinions may be as to what has taken place—and the Austrian government cannot be expected to approve of the revolution in Modena and Tuscany—yet I believe neither Power has any intention to interfere by force with the decision of those peoples. I thin it a matter of great importance that it should be so, because that system— which is rather disguised than expressed by the phrase, the balance of power —that system means that the different states shall be independent, that they shall manage their own concerns, and that no one state should have the pre- ponderance in Europe, or dictate what should be the constitution, or what should be the internal government of the rest. And happy as we are in this country in independence long acquired, it is not only our interest, but I think it must be our wish, to see that every state in Europe, whether they prefer a system which we think not compatible with liberty, or whether they prefer a just and temperate system of representative monarchy, or whether they prefer any other form of government provided they do not interfere with their neighbours—I think that the independence of the several states of Europe is an object which Great Britain, ought to feel a sympathy and in- terest in. And now, I fear that I have troubled you too long ; but if so, you must impute it to the kindness you have shown to me. Be assured that, so far as I am concerned, while I have the honour to hold the seals of the Foreign Office, it shall be for no mean purpose, for no selfish interest, that I shall endeavour to use the name, and influence, and authority of Great Britain. This country holds high a beacon which may save the rest of the world. It is not for us to arrogate and dictate with respect to what they shall do, but it is our duty when we do speak to speak in the language of a free people, as the loyal and obedient subjects of a monarch who reigns in the affections of her people." (Loud cheers.)
The proceedings terminated with three cheers for "the youngest citizen."
The friends of Mr. James Wilson at Hawiok entertained him at a public dinner on Tuesday ; Sir W. Scott, M.P., in the chair. Mr. Wilson, in his after-dinner speech, commented in emphatic terms on the improvements consequent upon the adoption of the free trade policy, tracing to that, not only our own advances in trade and agriculture, but the movement for serf emancipation in Russia, and the tendency towards free trade in France. Then followed an account of Mr. Wilson's introduction to office, and this led him to the subject of his mission to India.
Thinking that what is right in one part of the world cannot be wrong in another, he hopes that the adoption of those principles in India which have proved to be so beneficial at home will produce similar results.
" I am one of those who believe that Englishmen must not, even in their vainglory and their strength, believe that because they are Englishmen they must trample over everybody else. I am one of those who believe that kindness, generosity, and justness, exercised with a fair and firm hand, whatever the race may be, whatever the time may be, will produce the de- sired results. I am one of those who believe that if we respect the feelings and obligations, and deep convictions of those over whom Providence has
appointed us a ro rule, we may draw them within the bonds of affection, and peace, and unity, and good citizenship. And if we can do that, then I any the charm of Indian finance is gone. Why, what is the cause of your em- barrassment in India ? Four years ago your army expenditure was 11,000,0001. sterling ; since that it has been 24,000,000/. ; at the present moment it is 21,000,000/. If you cannot govern the country and keep the internal peace of the country for less than 21,000,000/., then I say you must abandon it altogether. There is no choice. England will not consent that the blood of Englishmen should be poured out, that English life should be endangered, that we should be exposed to these disasters in keeping a country on principles so ill-suited to the habits and manners and feelings, or, if you will, prejudices of the people—that less than 21,000,000/. sterling should not suffice to keep people in order." Speaking of the cause of the Indian mutiny, he said : "Sir John Lawrence, after the trial of the King of Delhi, made a report to Lord Canning of the result of that trial, and he followed it up by describing what, in his opinion, were the real causes of the mutiny. He states, in the most clear and un- equivocal terms, that he had investigated the whole of the records in the archives of the King of Delhi, and that he had had opportunities of viva voce communication with the natives at Delhi at the time, and he gives it as his deliberate opinion that there was one cause, and one cause alone, to which all these misfortunes had to be traced, and that cause was the con- , viction on the minds of the people of India that the British Government had determined within itself forcibly to change the caste and religion of the natives, and to force upon them by the force of Government the Christian religion. Now, gentlemen, Sir J. Lawrence is a man who, upon a topic of that kind, ought in every respect to be trusted. I may say in a very em- phatic manner that he is a man and a Christian who has devoted himself perhaps more than any other man in a similar position to exercising his in- fluence in every possible way for the spread of Christianity, and for the progress of that Gospel in which we all rejoice to believe. And, therefore, we may receive his evidence upon the subject of that movement with con- fidence—as that of one who would not willingly. say one word that was likely to detract from the spread of Christianity in India. And he shows by demonstrations which no man can read and disapprove, that it was the conviction on the part of the Indian mind that we had deliberately de- termined, by the force of Government influence, to change their religion, which alone caused the mutiny. Now, we have, as a Government, in- variably practised absolute neutrality with regard to the natives in their religious matters. We have said, as a Government, to the natives of India that they were entitled to exercise all their religious opinions in the same manner that we ourselves do claim at home the free exercise of our religious opinions, and freedom of worship. But though we have said that, no doubt many things have occurred which may have carried to the native mind con- victions and feelings of a different kind ; and all I can say in respect to this subject is, that while I hope the Government of India will never fail to give every proper encouragement to the missionaries who go forth from this country, who are freely accepted by the natives—while they will never fail to give just and ample encouragement to the administration of the Christian religion in all its forms so far as Christians are concerned, yet I trust that neither public opinion nor Government influence will ever be brought to bear in order, in the slightest degree, through Government influence or other force, to enforce these truths which we ourselves value so much, but which, iu proportion as we value, we may be sure that they will make their way if they only have fair play. I for one shall be glad to see that the English people resident in India will, by their example, continue to give to the natives a higher appreciation of the value of the true religion than that which they now possess. I have alluded to this subject because at the bottom of our financial arrangements must lie every question of policy affecting the good and wellbeing of the country. Unless you have the confidence of a people who are ;numbered by something like 200,000,000, and who are spread over a million and a half of square acres—for these are the dimensions of your Empire—unless you have the confidence of a people so circumstanced, I say there is no system of finance, there is no system of government, by which a handful of 50,000 or 60,000 Europeans can hope to keep the country. You must believe that they are men like yourselves—that they have feelings and interests like yourselves. I, for one, believe—and I have the very best reason for believing—that if you pursue a policy of that kind, you may so far reduce that necessary expenditure of your army— that you may so far bring within narrow and reasonable limits that ex- penditure, that in the course of time, without having recourse to any very moreaseetaxation, you may, I hope, bring both ends to meet. I think it was Sir Robert Peel who once said that he would not resort to the vulgar ex- pedient of putting his hands into the pockets of the people—that true finance lay in a higher and more advancing policy, which would rather tend to the development of the resources of the country than tend by direct means to `weaken them. No one could look to the resources of that mighty Indian empire without feeling some confidence that if these resources were fairly administered and fully developed, they are in themselves amply abundant to supply all that can be necessary for the expenditure of a well-regulated country." (Cheers.)
Mr. Marshall's statue of Joseph Hume, set up as a memorial of that honest statesman, in front of the Town House of Montrose, was in- augurated on Saturday. There was a gathering of 10,000 persons, Pro- vost Napier delivered a panegyric on Mr. Hume, and the town kept holiday. Sir James Fergusson of Kilkerran, selected by the Ayrshire Tories to contest the county, has published an address to the electors. It is mo- derate in tone and substance. Sir James defines himself as an "in- dependent" man, and shows no open hostility to the present Govern- ment.
David Ross was indicted before the Inverness Circuit Court on a charge of murdering his uncle by poison. It was shown that the uncle had some thoughts of marrying again ; that this would have prejudiced the interests of the nephew ; that Ross had bought small quantities of arsenic ; that he denied it at first and afterwards admitted it ; and that the uncle had died from the effects of arsenic. But great doubt hung over the case, two doc- tors declining to say that the illness of the uncle had been produced by poison, The Jury returned a verdict of " Not proven."
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