DEMOCRACY IN EUROPE : III. HOLLAND AND BELGIUM
By FLORIS CANTE
[This is the third of a short series of articles on the prospects of democracy in Europe. Next week's article will deal with the outlook in Scandinavia.] INSTEAD of asking what are the prospects of democratic forms of government, one might rather put the question thus : what are the prospects of Fascism or its twin-sister National Socialism in Holland and Belgium ? Communism, with the dictatorship of the proletariat it implies, has proved to appeal so little to the Dutch and Belgian peoples, and the Communist movement has made so little headway in both countries in spite of energetic support from Moscow, that one is justified in eliminating the threat to democracy from that quarter from the outset.
As to Fascism, both the Dutch and the Belgians early this year clearly stated their position : they would not have it. Leon Degrelle, the Resist leader in Belgium, was decisively beaten by Dr. Paul van Zeeland at the by-election at Brussels, which Degrelle had provoked himself. Rex and the Opposi- tional Flemish Nationalists, who had agreed to join forces with Rex for this special occasion, on April r rth, 1937, got only 69,242 votes, as compared to 73,721 (out of a total of 368,506) for the Rex movement and the Flemish Nationalists together in May, 1936. Van Zeeland got 21,676 votes more than all the parties which had backed his candidature obtained together in 1936. Moreover, the number of blank votes went down from 2.8,795 to 18,358.
The defeat of Degrelle was symptomatic of the general decline of the Fascist ideology which made itsPlf felt early this year. Although it certainly did not help to raise the already depressed spirits of the National Socialists in Holland under the leadership of Dr. A. Mussert, who were just at that time engaged in a noisy campaign for the general elec- tions, Degrelle's discomfiture did not warrant the crushing defeat the Dutch Nazis were about to suffer. On May 26th they obtained only 4 per cent. of the votes for the Second Chamber of Parliament, as compared with 8 per cent. in 1935 at the Senate elections. The wise statesmanship of the Prime Minister, Dr. Colijn, and the turn in the economic tide took the wind out of the sails of National Socialism in the Netherlands. It never had any real chances of becoming a national movement. The majority of the people looked upon it as the outcome of a tendency of people everywhere to go to political extremes in their economic distress. But the desperate discontent, through dire distress and political and financial corruption, which is the usual breeding-ground for extremist movements, did not exist in Holland. Moreover, the national unity of the Netherlands as an independent State is of long standing. Its tradition of self-government and democracy is deeply rooted. The Netherlands did not pass through the deep waters of a lost war, neither were they oppressed by victors. So Dr. Mussert's persistent efforts to make the Netherlands people feel miserable and beaten and fallen, from which bleak misery only National Socialism could raise it up again, failed to impress the masses. They refused to feel miserable and still less wanted to be saved from imaginary evils by would-be dictators.
When the depression was at its worst in 1935, the National Socialist movement in Holland obtained nearly 8 per cent. of the votes in the Senatorial elections. In their jubilation over this initial success, the National Socialists first predicted a rise in their vote to 20 per cent by 1937. Then, as the tide began to turn and some blunders were made, Dr. Mussert announced an increase of at least 5o per cent., i.e., from 8 per cent. to 12 per cent. of the votes cast. Then to per cent. was mentioned and finally orators in National Socialist meetings preferred to remain on the safe side and declared that it was only " quality " of the members of parliament that really counts, not " quantity." In the meantime democracy started its defence and began to organise. Under the influence of the example provided by foreign countries, where Fascist movements had gained bcctuse they were not opposed by a united and organised cpp3sition, a non-political movement was started in 1935 by 71 intellectuals, belonging to different political and religious denominations. This movement, " Unity through demo- cracy," wished solely to combat extremist gospels like National Socialism, Fascism and Communism. In a year or so they got some 30,000 members, their numbers going up by leaps and bounds at every meeting they held. This movement, which did not go in for active politics and did not put up candidates for parliament, but only sought to organise opposition against the menace of National Socialism—for Communism did not spread at all, so was no real danger— math heavy inroads on the National Socialist movement's strength. Moreover, the National Socialists were up against many odds. A negative policy of criticism, blind adoration of Hitler and Mussolini and imitation of all the Fascist phraseology, the anti-semitism, the self-aggrandisement and heathen cult which are characteristic of the German move- ment, and the failure to give some definite and sensible shape to their aims, together with the generally condemned intervention of Germany and Italy in Spain, and last, not least, the defeat of Leon Degrelle in Brussels, all seemed to conspire against them.
Now that the breeding-ground for National Socialism is rapidly vanishing and a sweeping success, which might give Fascist tendencies a hold on the masses, has not been achieved, many believe that this is the end of National Socialism's dream of power in Holland.
The new Cabinet formed by Dr. Colijn is purely parlia- mentary, and is based on an absolute majority of 56 (out of too) in the Second Chamber, in the elections for which the Nazis, as already mentioned, only secured 4 per cent. of the votes. A strong opposition from the parties of the Left is expected, as has always been the case under Parliamentary Cabinets. But it offers every prospect of a constructive policy, which will give Fascism little chance to recover from the blow it received in the name of democracy.
In Belgium the position of democracy is slightly different, although the democratic regime and the love of freedom are deeply embedded in the hearts of the people. Belgium has passed through an ordeal. The economic consequences of the War, depreciation of the currency, the Flemish problem which caused deep dissension, a banking system which was not free from undesirable elements and outgrowths, which led to several bank catastrophes in which political figures were involved, a compromising association of political influence and personal financial interests which necessitated a thorough clean-up in the political as well as in the financial domain, provided a breeding-ground for discontent and unrest.
Leon Degrelle started his Rex movement along Fascist lines, although he persisted upon calling himself a democrat. The discontented of all political colours rallied round him. He displayed the tactics of the Nazi brand : hunting out scandal to compromise the existing " system," sweeping statements and promises, slander and insinuations. But in the meantime the old political parties held a wholesome self-examination. A national Cabinet, including six Socialists, four Roman Catholics and three Liberals, apart from the. Premier and the Minister of Defence (a military man) was formed in 1935 by Dr. Paul van Zeeland, who was politically unknown, but whose fame as a young, brilliant banker of impeccable character secured him the national support, which he needed to restore Belgian finance and to purge the banking and political world of its abuses, in order to pave the way for economic recovery. In much the same way as Dr. Colijn did in Holland, Dr. van Zeeland took the wind out of the sails of Rexism in Belgium by his uncom- promising integrity. At the by-elections in Brussels in April all the larger parties joined forces to defeat the Rex movement with its Fascist complexion. And when finally the Episcopate of the Roman Catholic Church in Belgium —where the Roman Catholic faith is predominant—issued a warning against Rex, Degrelle's political doom was sealed. His unsuccessful attempt to arraign M. van Zeeland over the latter's earlier connexion with the Bank of France makes that more certain than ever.
Apart from the Flemish Nationalists—who however have attained much of their object of equal rights—the coalition of discontented elements under Degrelle, and the Com- munists, the larger Belgian political parties are in general agreement over the national policy of the Government. Its foreign policy meets with approval, and unless unexpected economic difficulties should disturb the present upward trend, and create new unrest, democracy and its parliamentary institutions seem well established, while Fascism in whatever guise it may choose to present itself, would seem to have as little chances as it has in Holland.
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