TOPICS OF THE DAY.
THE TWO SESSIONS OF 1859.
a;" *Um Parliamentary annals of 1839 have been more remarkable for party conflict than for legislative efforts and legislative suc- cesses. For many years the strife of party has not been sustained with so much vigour, party battles have not been fought with --such obstinacy. In 1852 the sect of politicians, called for con- venience Derbyites, came into office because there was a split in the Liberal camp. They appealed to the country to win at the hustings the strength they lacked in the Lower House, and they failed to obtain a majority. A composite Government succeeded, and held office until rent asunder by the rude ordeal of war, and by internal intrigues. Then we had a pure Whig War Adminis- tration, which, beaten by a combination of elements that could not cohere for other than destructive objects, appealed to the country in its turn, and gained an amount of support rarely accorded to any Ministry of modern times. Wrecked upon a mismanaged ques- tion of foreign policy, expelled by a combination similar to that fortuitously effected in 1857, the Government of the pure Whigs went to pieces in 1858, and again the Derbyites came in with a minority. They held office for one session ; won good opinions by sanctioning the passage of liberal measures and yielding to a po- pular cry against taxation, and by making large promises for the future. The session of 1859 came round and brought with it an array of promises in the Queen's speech, none of which were des- tined to be fulfilled. The party in power was still supported by a minority, but the split in the Liberal camp had not healed, and it depended on the success with which Lord Derby and his adroit lieutenant adapted their measures to suit the prejudices of their own party and a section of the opposition, whether the Ministry should go out or stay in. Another disturbing force came to per- plex them. A crisis in the affairs of Italy arose, and the Minis- ters, mistaking the temper of the country, showed, or were sup- posed to have shown, a leaning towards the side with which the country had no sympathy. They were suspected of being neutral only in name, and of not making the most of that position in Europe to which Great Britain is entitled. In home affairs none of their measures prospered. Mr. Walpole's Church-rate Bill was summarily ejected. Lord Chelmsford's Bankruptcy Bill shared a
)4 similar fate. Their Reform Bill appeared only to show that its construction had cost the Cabinet two of its most respectable members. The secession of Mr. Henley and Mr. Walpole, and the explanation that accompanied it, were signs that the Ministry had left the plain and honest path for crooked and devious ways, and straightforward legislation for equivocal and fanciful expedients. The experiment of governing by a ininority utterly
— failed in the hands of its most accomplished professor. In short, the fable of the gentleman between two stools was illustrated over again with the inevitable results. The Reform Bill, for which two good Ministers had been sacrificed, was rejected by a majority of 39 in a House of 621 Members.
And now was developed, in all its intensity, the chief character- istic of the Parliamentary year—the struggle of party, a struggle which was transferred from the Houses of Parliament to the wider arena of the hustings. So resolute were the perbyites to hold office that they had recourse to the expedient of 1852 and 1857, and, although continental politics were in a position that required a strong British Government to exercise any influence over them, although it was foreseen that whoever won the battle, British legis- lation must be sacrificed and the promised harvest of reforms de- stroyed in their spring-time, yet Lord Derby dissolved Parliament, and put to the country the question of confidence or no confidence in his Ministry. It was an act that could only have been justi- fied by the result. If the majority of the country were on Lord Derby's side, and the majority of the Lower House against him, it was only right that the balance should be rectified, and the House and the country brought into harmony. The affairs of Italy were nothing compared to the restoration of soundness to the affairs of England. In a great measure the re- sult did justify the dissolution. From a combination of diverse influences the Tory party did receive large accessions. In Ireland, for instance, priests and Orangemen laboured in its behalf. In England the democratic violence of Mr. Bright in the autumn of 1858 had caused a reaction in favour of Toryism, and the fear that the small boroughs would be sacrificed in a Whig reform bill also assisted in converting a weak minority into one of com- parative strength. The party battle was fought out at the elec- tions with unflagging spirit and unscrupulous energy ; but al- though thirty seats were added to the Tory side, that gain was not enough, and the Tories entered the new Parliament as they quitted the old, a minority. What they had not counted on came to pass : the Liberals effected a union among themselves, and rival chiefs, laying aside their differences, consented to act to- gether. In ten days after the meeting of the new Parliament the Derbyites found themselves in a minority, but the scale was only turned against them by 13 votes ; a small array, yet sufficient, for the Ministers resigned. Thus four months had been oc- cupied in exploding the theory of government by a minority and in the painful but necessary process of reconstructing party. Three weeks elapsed before the new Government, which fairly re- presented the Liberals, got under way, and it was July before the new Chancellor of the Exchequer expounded his budget. The remainder of the session only sufficed for the voting of the estimates and the passing of indispensable bills. The labours of
the two sessions may be summed up in a sentence. In the earlier session we had a debate on a Reform Bill, followed by a dis- solution of Parliament and a general election; in the later, a de- bate on a simple motion of want of confidence, followed by the formation of a new government. It is true that some sound measures have been passed to strengthen our defensive force by land and sea, but that legislation which formed the prominent feature in the ministerial programme of February last, is remitted to "next session."
Perhaps it is unwise to regret this. Party battles are as es- sential to wholesome political life as passing bills. Unanimity is as often a sign of stagnation or indifference as it is of earnestness of purpose. A weak opposition is as perilous as every other form of weakness. Strength in a government and strength in the an- tagonist of a government impart a vivacity, interest, and whole- someness to political life which nothing else can. In great emer- gencies in times of external war or invasion, unanimity is a pre- cious thing, indispensable to success • but in the ordinary busi- ness of national life, since there are two parties, a majority and a minority, it is well that both should be strong, lest the majority wax overbearing or the minority grow slavish or become trucu- lent. A weak minority can be very irritating, and irritation is a bad thing; it never can command respect, and there are few minorities in politics which should not command respect. The political struggles of 1859 have reinvigorated political life ; all parties have been put on their mettle ; all are more in earnest ; and the two great divisions are so nearly balanced that it would be unreasonable to expect a cessation of hostilities, a relaxation of vigour in 1860. On the contrary, it cannot be denied that the Tory party has made progress, in spite of the faults and follies of its leaders ; and this should have the effect of making the rank and file of the Liberals still more united, and impose on their leaders the duty of being circumspect and straightforward. — Ministers should remember how much depends on the courage, honesty, and ability they display, individually and collectively-, during the recess, and on the ready prepared measures with which they meet Parliament in that land of Cockaigne, "next session." Parties are face to face, and Liberal government is once more on its trial.
Previous page
