B 0 0 K S .

WILLIAM PITT, EARL OF CHATHAM.*

1111. BASIL WILLIAMS' Life of Chatham is altogether admir- able. With infinite skill he enables us to understand the struggle which was constantly going on in this very remark- able man's mind. In a life which was full of contradictions and inconsistencies two features in Chatham's character were persistently manifested from the day when, as one of "Cobham's Cubs," he joined the "Boy Patriots" to the time when, sinking exhausted into the arms of his brother peers, he was carried home to read Homer's account of the death of Hector and to die. These features were that he was at the same time a democrat and a despot. His attitude on the subject of taxation in America, his sturdy defence of constitutionalism in the case of Wilkes, his tolerance of Dissenters—albeit, with charac- teristic inconsistency, he veered round to intolerance when dealing with Roman Catholics—and, generally, his desire to look to the sovereignty of the people as the basis of government, all attest his devotion to democratic principles. Tyranny, he said, in words which read like the wail of a modern Unionist over the introduction of single-Chamber Government, " is detestable in every shape ; but in none so formidable as when it is assumed and exercised by a number of tyrants." Yet, in spite of his democratic principles, Chatham never stooped to the employment of those arts by which from time immemorial democracies have been led. "It is not hard," said one of the greatest thinkers of that age with whose literature this eighteenth-century statesman's mind was impregnated, " to praise Athenians to Athenians." It was left to opportunist politicians of the type of Bute to flatter the populace, and to further their own party interests by playing on the passions and prejudices of the hour. Chatham's lofty independence of thought led him to reject any such methods. His defence of the unfortunate Byng, and his denunciation of privateering, although it appealed strongly to the material interests of the commercial community, who were amongst his warmest supporters, afford abundant proofs that he possessed the most rare of all the qualities necessary to a Minister who draws all his strength from popular favour. He dared to make himself unpopular.

On the other hand, Chatham's despotic nature comes out in every act of his life. The man was by nature an autocrat. With all his professed deference to the national will, he was manifestly convinced that he, alone of his contemporaries, could interpret that will aright. The numerous, although at times rather half-hearted, attempts which were made to lure him back to power were generally wrecked either because he would not accept office save on his own undiluted terms, or because he would not co-operate with any save those whom be felt assured would be wholly subservient to his will. When be was at the height of his power and fame, his brother legislators were awed as he hobbled painfully to his seat in the House of Commons muttering some lines of Virgil. A gesture, or a mere flash from that eye which, Shelburne said, "cut like a diamond," was almost of itself sufficient to dominate the assembly. Neither was the effect of his over- powering personality confined to those who were actually brought in contact with him. His great antagonist Choiseul— who, when Chatham accepted a peerage, likened him to "a Samson with his hair cut "—fully recognized the disadvantage at which the French negotiator Bussy would be placed in discussing the terms of peace with so doughty an antagonist. "The poor devil," he said, "trembled before starting."

The terms on the unconditional acceptance of which Chatham insisted as the price of his return to office after the downfall of his first Ministry were by no means unreason- able. Moreover, the prescience he showed in forecasting the future course of action which would be adopted by the Spanish Government was so remarkable that it can be no matter for surprise that he should have been tenacious of his own opinions. Further, it is now easy to see that national interests would best have been served if Chatham had been allowed to choose his own colleagues and sub- ordinates. Nevertheless, this very tenacity of purpose and

• The Life of Wiliam Pitt, Earl of Chatham. By Basil Williams. 2 vols. London Longman] and Co. D.Zs. j

rejection of anything approaching to compromise resulted in the total failure of Chatham's later political career, and in the adoption of measures which were disastrous to the interests of the country which he loved so well. Those measures would probably have been prevented, or at all events greatly modified, had lie shown a more concilia- tory and accommodating spirit. The political defects of the Rockingham Whigs were glaring. But they were Chatham's natural allies. Personal interest as well as public duty alike pointed to the conclusion that he should have cemented that alliance instead of rejecting it until the propitious moment for co-operation had been allowed to pass. The moral of the whole of this very important chapter of history is that no statesman, however great may be his abilities and personal merits, can, under a party system, afford to treat party ties with absolute neglect. Chatham's attempt to govern without party proved a complete failure. It is not enough under a representative system of government that a politician should be right. It is equally necessary that he should so far convince others that he is right as to ensure their cordial co-operation. If he fails to do this, he may, indeed, play the part of the prophetess Cassandra, but never that of the constructive statesman Cavour.

This, however, is but one aspect in the career of a many- sided statesman. There are many others. Macaulay says somewhere that Cromwell never allowed his country to be ill- used by anyone but himself. The phrase might, without placing any great strain on historical truth, be held to repre- sent a portion at all events of Chatham's political creed. Ardent patriotism dominated his whole nature, and inspired him with a prophetic instinct of the future destinies of his country. It found expression in irreconcilable detestation of the House of Bourbon, whose misdeeds be denounced with all the vituperative energy of "some Hebrew prophet preach- ing against Babylon." It led by a perfectly logical train of reasoning to an early recognition of the value of sea-power, It was the earnestness and fervour of this patriotism which inspired those lofty flights of eloquence which, although they are couched in a strain unfamiliar to modern ears, can never cease to quicken the pulse and warm the heart of all wli!O believe in the greatness of England. That eloquence ho merely used as a means to an end. He was far too great man to attach undue importance to words. "I am not fond of making speeches," he said ; "I never cultivated the talent but as an instrument of action in a country like ours."

Neier did Chatham's indomitable courage show to greater advantage than when, in the early part of 1757, troubles thickened around him. His ally, Frederic, had been defeated at Kollin. Cumberland's operations in Germany had proved unsuccessful. An expedition sent to Rochefort ended in complete failure. In America, Loudoun's inaction had led to the surrender of Ticonderoga. From India news arrived that a body of English men and women had been done tel death in the Black Hole at Calcutta. But Chatham was not dismayed. Eventually the wise measures which he had introduced began to produce their effect. The Navy was largely increased. The youth of the Highlands—" Abietibus juvenes patriis et montibus aequos "—were sent to America to fight for their Hanoverian King instead of mourning °vat the downfall of the Jacobite cause and the disaster of Culloden. The American colonists were conciliated by the removal of some foolish and narrow-minded restrictions which had formerly placed them at a disadvantage com- pared to the officers of the regular Army. A new spirit was breathed into the whole body politic. Then the tide turned. On the Continent of Europe the French sustained a crushing defeat at Rosabach. Bradstreet tool( possession of an important chain of forts which linked Canada and the valley of the Ohio. Forbes, a gallant of called by the Indians " Head of Iron," reoccupied Fort Duquesne and changed its name to Pittsburg. Louisburg, the " Gibraltar of the West," was captured. Governor Lawrence gave some brilliant fetes at which sixty thousand gallons of rum were drunk, and Miss Ann Pitt, who loved we; brother, but was too genuine a Pitt to abstain from quarrelliag with him, lit a bonfire outside his house at Bath and "dig, tributed ten hogsheads of strong beer." These were but the prelude of other successes. India was won at Plassay, Canada at Quebec, and Hawke's defeat of Conlians's- fled

"secured the integrity of the United Kingdom. In four years the world-power of England was founded. • What was the secret of the marvellous successes achieved under Chatham's auspices during this eventful and epoch- .making periods' The subject is worthy of more complete ,treatment than can be afforded to it on the present occasion. This much may, however, be said.

In the first place, diplomatists will do well to ponder over the results achieved by Chatham's straightforwardness, Accompanied, it is true, by a somewhat unnecessary lack of

the suaviter in inodo, contrasted with the abortive and con- temptible chicanery displayed by Choiseul. Nothing is more

remarkable than the loyalty with which he supported the cause of his Prussian ally. It is true that his policy was to conquer America in Germany, but the conquest was not to be effected at the expense of Frederic. He persistently declined to obtain any English advantage by sacrificing German interests. How wise he was is abundantly proved by the fact that the subsequent desertion of Prussia by England under the Bute regime sank deep into the German mind, and has not been forgotten to this day. " More than a century later," Mr. Basil Williams says, " Bismarck attributed his distrust of England to the desertion of Frederic in 1762."

In the second place, he set his face resolutely against diplomatic arrangements which were unreal, and which, in the words of George Meredith, " merely shuffled on diffi- culties to the next Party in office, or generation." Again subsequent events have justified the wisdom of his principle.

The Newfoundland fishery question, which he wished to settle, was only patched up for a time. After causing constant friction between England and France for a hundred and forty years, it was not till 1904 that the question was set At rest.

. Turning to Chatham's attitude in administrative matters, it may be said that besides being an admirable man of business who could not only grasp general principles but master details, he possessed in a high degree the true Im- perialist instinct: In the first place, "he insisted on choosing as the commanders for his expeditions men whom he could trust for the tasks he set them; but their staff be left to their own choice, and all other appointments to the ordinary rules of the service." In the second place, be inspired his subordinates with the utmost confidence. When General Hodgson was about to start for Belleisle, he was assured by Chatham that " he would be supported in all stretches of

power whatever and against whomsoever." No Minister could DOW give any such assurance, neither is it at all

desirable that he should give it. But the spirit in which Chatham acted holds good for all time, and constitutes the only method by which the distant agents of an Imperialist Government can be encouraged to show resource and resolu- tion. Lukewarm support or blame in doubtful cases is destructive of all zeal and initiative.

The behaviour of all classes during the South African War, the heroism shown by individuals in such episodes as the wreck of the ' Titanic' and the life-saving operations in mines show clearly enough that there is no need to despond in considering the national characteristics of living English- men. The spirit which Chatham called forth could still, if occasion arose, be evoked. At the same time, it is well to guard carefully against any signs of decay. Mr. Basil Williams's work might profitably be made a text-book in our schools. It would serve as some antidote to the vapid and colourless cosmopolitanism which, amongst certain sections of society, tends to usurp the place of an eminently virile and healthy, although possibly a somewhat insular and exclusive, patriotism.

C.