TOPICS OF THE DIY.

THE SESSION OF PARLIAMENT.

Paimix-ENT meets next week, and as yet the country has no well-grounded conjectures, such as generally may be formed before the session opens, as to the business to be brought before its re- presentatives, beyond the necessary routine of the financial state- ment and the votes in Committee of Supply. Probably Ministers themselves have no fixed intentions; at least, Ministerial reserve is seldom so stringently maintained, when there are definite measures in preparation, as to leave the public quite in the dark, four days before such measures are officially announced. The likeliest state of the case is, that heads of departments will have been left to do as they please about introducing measures ; and that as the country is absorbed in its anxiety about the war that is and the peace that may be, heads of departments have consulted their ease, and no measures are prepared: Gloomy people do not even believe the Government has a definite war policy, or a settled plan of military operations in execution of a war policy ; that by their own account they drifted into war, and will trust to some other currents to drift them through it, and finally out of it somewhere, it does not much matter where, when the people are tired of paying taxes, and families are exasperated at the slaughter of their sons by the sword and more fatal disease and neglect. Even people of a more hopeful temperament are impressed with a sense of the helpless incompetency of the British Parliament to conceive and carry out a national policy, or even to adopt and elaborate one furnished to their hand in the rough by a public sentiment and opinion singu- larly decided, and crying aloud for leaders to shape it into Par- liamentary expression and invest it with authoritative force: and such persons are tormented with a suspicious dread that Government partakes of this imbecility of purpose and blind- ness to the tremendous issues of the present crisis ; that it cannot rise high enough above diplomacy and personal intrigue, and that its real want of a grand statesmanship is only rendered more pain- fully ludicrous by the fizzes of stump-oratory from time to time let off by certain of its members under temporary excitement, or in their traditional and obsolete character of leaders of the Li- beral party. How far these representations are true, will be more clearly seen a month or two hence, when the Vienna conferences have borne their fruit and have been published to the world. It will give us personally much more pleasure to point to them here- after as unworthy and calumnious suspicions, than as fatally true prophecies. True or untrue, whether affecting Government or Parliament, such censures indicate profound public anxiety at the opening of a session on which transcendent issues might de- pend, and during which transcendent issues will evolve themselves, whether the British Government and the British Parliament are equal to the lofty argument of the time or not. How those issues are to affect this nation and the world at large, depends upon the wisdom and virtue of the men who rule us, and the men who represent us in the House of Commons.

The country looks forward with a languid indifference—partly caused by its interest being absorbed elsewhere, partly by its having discounted long since any interest that would still remain for measures in arrear, the leading principles of which can have no novelty—to such schemes as a Reform of Cambridge University, a Board of Health Sanitary Bill, and a Settlement of Church-rates. The public remembers too well that the most valuable item in the Oxford Reform Bill was forced upon reluctant Ministers, and only carried by the very sensible persistence of a party, which had taken the measure of the Government more accurately than we ourselves had done. We hope that lesson will not be lost, and that no protestations of Lord John Russell or Mr. Gladstone will have the slightest influence with the same party in inducing them to take a grain less of Cambridge Reform than they think right and practicable. A Government that does not know what to offer till it is squeezed must be squeezed. However, we cannot be sure that Government has not postponed any notion of a Cambridge Reform Bill.

Sir Benjamin Hall, M.P. for Marylebone, and First Minister of

Health, must be singularly altered in six months if we are to get from him an effective working sanitary measure. If he is mas- ter in his own office,—and we should doubt that, considering the able heads and pens that work there' —his master is the Maryle- bone Vestry. Of course if we get a good measure from such a man so beridden, we shell be proportionably surprised and grate- ful. But we cannot count our chickens as quite certain to come to market from that hen-roost; and for addled eggs—we have had enough of them.

Upon the question of Church-rates, since it is a pet (restion with the pertinacious and active party that carried the admission of Dissenters to Oxford degrees, and since they talk confidentially of the compact alliance between Mr. Bright and Lord Stanley on this matter, as likely to lead to future consequences of a wide range— we may expect the squeezeable properties of the Government to be again brought to use, and we doubt not with success. The diffi- culties of the question lie in the determination of the Dissenters to submit to no registration, and to be oonsenting parties to no act which shall imply that the national church-fabrics belong only to what they are fond of styling the Episcopalian sect at pre- sent connected with the civil constitution of the country ; a determination that would appear highly unreasonable if viewed by itself, and disconnected from the great struggle likely to come into

aim or not, one duty lies before the assembled Commons, which Ministers, or in forcing one upon them if they are drifting on depends upon the good pleasure of no man or Minister, be_ without a policy. Here there is less risk from imprudence. cause it is forced upon them by events. They will sit by Frankness, decision, plain speaking, and publicity, are the things necessity as a Committee of the Nation, to watch and criticize most to be desired on the part of the Government, cannot be in the operations of the war and the 'progress of negotiations for excess, and cannot be premature. If there is one point connected peace; to elicit official information that shall not contain only with the war more certain than another, it is that no peace ought just truth enough to spice a mass of concealment and misre_ to be made with Russia—because no peace so made can secure the presentation ; to rescue the country from the unscrupulous hands object for which we went to war—except on condition that Sebes- of newspaper correspondents with personal piques and partiali- tuPol is destroyed, and not allowed to be rebuilt and to hang as ties and a talent for making everything "graphic " • and to offer a menace over. Turkey and Europe. If the Government does not such advice as the wisdom and knowledge of individuals may share this conviction, it does not represent the sentiments of the supply, and the good sense of the assembly invest with authority country, and should be turned out. If it does, its power to en- and national sanction. This important function comprises two force its conviction in the councils of the Allies will be incalculably distinct duties in practice; one of which consists in supporting a increased by a distinct assurance' that the House of Commons well-defined general war policy, if the Ministers indicate that they is of a like opinion, and is prepared to share the responsibility have formed and are carrying out such a policy, and if not, then in of declaring it in solemn form. In either case, good would be forcing such a policy upon them. The other, scarcely less im- effeoted by an address to the Crown embodying this determination. portant, will be to give Ministers the opportunity from time to It would befit the grand part which belongs to the House of Coin- time of proving to the nation, that the execution of the policy is mons in a great European crisis; would at once set at rest all in proper hands, properly supported, and that no fatal mismanage- timidities and suspicions abroad and at home ; would inaugurate, ment is wasting the wealth, the blood, the priceless valour of Eng_ we may say, a new fere in English history, reducing the bureau- land. If Departments seem to evade this publicity, this test of cratic absolutism of the Foreign Office to harmony with the prac-

administrative competence, chiefs and subordinates must be taught that in the voice of England's representatives, the interests, feel- react upon the courage and resolution. of the nation.

ings, and conscience of England ask for satisfaction, are en- titled to it, and will have it. But there is a preliminary condi- tion essential to the proper discharge of such a function. It is obvious that mere curiosity and craving for intelligence must not prompt such questioning. The public interest is not to suffer by premature disclosures because Mr. Smith wishes to know as much as the Foreign Secretary. There is only one effective method for se- curing in Parliament a practical recognition of the due compromise between the right of the nation to know how its affairs are ma- naged, and the duty of Government not to damage national interests by disclosures that may or must be mischievous —and that is, that Parliament should make up its mind whether it has confidence in Ministers, for wisdom, integrity, and talent. From a Ministry in whose purposes and abilities it places confidence it will and ought to submit to any reserve such a Ministry declares essential to the public service. From a Ministry that does not enjoy its confidence it neither will nor ought to acquiesce in such reserve. But then, neither ought it to allow such a Ministry to administer the affairs

of the country, at such a crisis as the present, for a single day. To badger an incompetent Government and still maintain it in office, is conduct worthy only of Mr. Disraeli, and therefore utterly unworthy of a British House of Commons. This, then, is the preliminary iiondition for the discharge of one of the main duties of Parliament during the next session—that it should make up its mind whether the present Government is worthy of its confidence, and if not, should at once upset it, and substitute a Government in which it can confide.

But possibly there is one condition preliminary even to this.

Perhaps, as Mr. Disraeli once said, before the House of Commons be called on to decide whether the Government deserves and has its confidence, the Government must decide whether it deserves and has its own confidence. It must make up its mind whether it can and ought to hold together,—whether there are or are not irrecon- more prominent Rolitical imwrtanee year by year, till either men's offabre views within its own sacred °irate on the one great beliefs in religious mattai approximatir, or vast alterations by question of the day, tfie end and object of the war, the effected in the Matrons between the religious comtuunities and admissible oonditions of peace—whether there are or are not the state. • incompetent persons, at home and abroad, intrusted with duties the importance and responsibility of which outweigh all personal It is probable that Parliament may be called on to revise, or at least to reconsider, the recently adopted change in the disposal of eonsiderations—whether, in one word, patriotism or intrigue is to convicted criminals who were Previously transported to the be the actuating principle of the Government. Let Government Australian Colonies. If the solution of this very difficult problem once settle the Tiestion of confidence in itself, and give unmis- at present attained is the best practicable solution, bad is the takeable signs in Parliament and in society that the question is best, either in principle or in administration ; for the consequences settled in the affirmative, and this alone would suffice to make the

difference between a miserably abortive or positively mischievous are making themselves felt to the serious inconvenience of large

communities all over the country, and are such as to call for the session,: and one which would earn a glorious eminence in English operation of a Parliamentary Committee. If all other schemes fail, history. The one great want of the House of Commons is leading we may console ourselves by remembering that a self-supporting mind. Just for want of guidance, for want of powerful intellect, prison-discipline remains to be tried ; and that in the operation high. purpose, and resolute will, the assembly is disorganized, ca- of such an experiment a much-needed light would be thrown on a prioious, uncertain, swayed hither and thither, at the mercy of any wide range of practical questions, extending far beyond our erimi

_ fluent and self-conceited talker, of any factious partisan standing nal population. for self or self and confederates. Let Government supply this These are questions we say, that may probably come before guidance; let it depend on intellect and character and statesman- Parliament ; our ground of expectation being, that they are prac _ ship more, and less on clique connexions and the Treasury whip ; tioally ripe for Parliamentary action, having fulfilled the condi

_ and we do not fear to guarantee as the rapid result, obedience, tion that the theory of them has advanced a stage or more beyond good sense, and patriotism, on the part of an overwhelming ma- their practice. Had we any reason for supposing that Govern- pray of the House of Commons. But to secure this, we must ment had been during the recess devoting its collective wisdom to have a change of procedure. We must not have Ministers con- these questions and that carefully considered measures, of which tradicting each other, and compromising the credit and con- the Cabinet should share the responsibility with the heads of de- sistency of the Government, as well as hampering its freedom of partments, were to be introduced as Government measures, we action,—merely, to all appearance, that respectable Whig fogies, could very heartily excuse the absence of a more showy programme suspended, like Mahomet's coffin, between the Ministerial and

got up up on the Barnum model, of which we had so striking an ex- position benches, may have the gratification of thinking that their ample last year. We want no show measures not intended to opinions are modifying the policy of the country. Nor must we work. The Government of this great country, which is always in have influential Ministers inside the Cabinet countenancing if not

arrears with pressing practical measures, is not the proper organ stimulating the attacks of the free lances outside,—giving ooca- for the ventilation of half-ripe ideas. Whatever measures it in- BiOns whether justly or not, to an uncomfortable suspicion, that troduces into Parliament should be measures that it judges to be some great prize for their own ambition has more attraction for necessary to the wellbeing of the country; and upon the prepara

_ them than the honour and existence of the Government to whieh tion of such measures it should spend its talent, wisdom, and they belong. All this must be decidedly stopped, before the energy, as upon their passing into law should be staked its in- Government can pretend to lead the House of Commons.

finence, reputation, and existence. We spoke of another branch of the duties of Parliament as con- Be these the questions for Parliamentary consideration this sea. siding in supporting a definite war-policy if enunciated by the aim or not, one duty lies before the assembled Commons, which Ministers, or in forcing one upon them if they are drifting on depends upon the good pleasure of no man or Minister, be_ without a policy. Here there is less risk from imprudence. cause it is forced upon them by events. They will sit by Frankness, decision, plain speaking, and publicity, are the things necessity as a Committee of the Nation, to watch and criticize most to be desired on the part of the Government, cannot be in the operations of the war and the 'progress of negotiations for excess, and cannot be premature. If there is one point connected peace; to elicit official information that shall not contain only with the war more certain than another, it is that no peace ought just truth enough to spice a mass of concealment and misre_ to be made with Russia—because no peace so made can secure the presentation ; to rescue the country from the unscrupulous hands object for which we went to war—except on condition that Sebes- of newspaper correspondents with personal piques and partiali- tuPol is destroyed, and not allowed to be rebuilt and to hang as ties and a talent for making everything "graphic " • and to offer a menace over. Turkey and Europe. If the Government does not such advice as the wisdom and knowledge of individuals may share this conviction, it does not represent the sentiments of the supply, and the good sense of the assembly invest with authority country, and should be turned out. If it does, its power to en- and national sanction. This important function comprises two force its conviction in the councils of the Allies will be incalculably distinct duties in practice; one of which consists in supporting a increased by a distinct assurance' that the House of Commons well-defined general war policy, if the Ministers indicate that they is of a like opinion, and is prepared to share the responsibility have formed and are carrying out such a policy, and if not, then in of declaring it in solemn form. In either case, good would be forcing such a policy upon them. The other, scarcely less im- effeoted by an address to the Crown embodying this determination. portant, will be to give Ministers the opportunity from time to It would befit the grand part which belongs to the House of Coin- time of proving to the nation, that the execution of the policy is mons in a great European crisis; would at once set at rest all in proper hands, properly supported, and that no fatal mismanage- timidities and suspicions abroad and at home ; would inaugurate, ment is wasting the wealth, the blood, the priceless valour of Eng_ we may say, a new fere in English history, reducing the bureau- land. If Departments seem to evade this publicity, this test of cratic absolutism of the Foreign Office to harmony with the prac-

tically popular character of our general Government; and would