Commonwealth and Foreign
AWAKENING AMERICA
By H. A. MARQUAND•
A UNITED STATES Congressman and I listened to the broad- cast of President Roosevelt's message to Hitler at the height of the September crisis. We agreed that it was a warning as well as an appeal. " If war comes," I asked the Congress- man, " what do you think America should do? " " We could not remain out," he said. " So the sooner we come in the better."
The Congressman is wiser and more far-seeing than most of his constituents. But in this traditionally isolationist Middle Western State, opinion seems to me to be moving steadily in his direction. At the pre-election mass meeting of the Progressive Party in November, the applause which greeted reiteration of the Party pledge to preserve neutrality was far from unanimous. That was before Dr. Goebbels set the whole of America against him by his latest pogrom. Today it seems safe to say that four out of five persons, even though they may not desire war, feel that America will inevit- ably find herself ranged against the dictators if they provoke it.
Mr. Chamberlain's efforts at Berchtesgaden, and even at Godesberg, to secure a peaceful settlement were followed with some sympathy by all except Left-wing groups. But the Munich settlement provoked universal condemnation. Nowhere was it regarded for one moment as " peace with honour." Even the reactionary Chicago Tribune, which hailed the treaty with some satisfaction as a defeat for Bolshevism, could not describe it as a victory for democracy. My own experience was that one person in every three with whom I talked about the situation—and everybody one met was anxious to discuss it—was inclined to accept the theory put forward by many newspaper columnists that the whose " crisis " was an elaborate conspiracy between Mr. Chamberlain and Hitler, who had made up their minds beforehand to destroy the Franco-Soviet alliance and the Czechoslovakian State. To the remainder the settlement caused distress and misgiving, especially to those whose Anglophil or pro-League sentiments had made them, in the past, advocates of American co-operation in an international peace system. To every shade of opinion it seemed that Czechoslovakia had been " sold down the river " —a phrase recalling the days of slavery in America. Isola- tionism thus received a new lease of life. Why become en- tangled with tricky European politicians who did not honour their undertakings?
Later reflection began to modify the harshness of the criti- cism of Mr. Chamberlain (who all along was pictured as virtually dictating French policy). One began to hear such remarks as " America expects every Englishman to do his duty" or "We will fight for democracy to the last English- man." When letters from friends in Britain and France began to arrive, there was a growing appreciation of the feelings of the non-political masses in London and Paris, as trenches were dug, gas-masks distributed, and children sent away from home. It is almost impossible for an American four thousand miles away fully to understand such feelings. War to him is still an affair of sending boys to the front; he scarcely thinks of acute food shortage, of the melting away of all financial security during inflation, of the nervous strain of continual bombardment, or of spreading disease and misery. During four months in a university town I have not yet encountered a single pacifist of the Peace Pledge Union type. Neverthe- less, some understanding of this attitude did begin to develop.
At the same time, fuller discussion of the strategical con- siderations which may have influenced the British Govern- ment showed that the situation was not quite so simple as it at first appeared. It was pointed out that, in view of the certainty that the Japanese navy would be against her, Britain could not be sure of being able effectively to blockade Germany in a general war. Unable to count upon American • Professor H. A. Marquand, who is Professor of Industrial Relations at University College, Cardiff, is spending a year as Exchange Professor at the University of Wisconsin. Wisconsin. backing in the early stages of the war, it was argued, Britain was obliged to abandon her historic policy of maintaining the European balance of power and to concentrate on a policy of trying to secure a world balance in the future. Whatever validity there may be in this reasoning, it certainly leads to the conclusion that American policy is, in part, responsible for the Munich settlement. That opinion is now often expressed.
In the mind of the man in the street, who is unable to reason about strategic calculations, the recent pogrom in Germany has well-nigh obliterated the distrust of Britain aroused by Munich. The reaction to this event from extreme Right to extreme Left, from East to West, was immediate and identical. It is impossible to exaggerate the horror it aroused. The recall of the American Ambassador from Berlin and the sharp assertion in subsequent notes of the rights of American citizens have been approved by the whole nation. There will be few regrets if diplomatic relations are broken off.
Though the result of the November election does not con- stitute a repudiation of the New Deal, it was undoubtedly due, in part, to some increase of hostility to the work-relief programmes of the P.W.A. and the W.P.A., the latter of which is especially disliked by farmers. The new develop- ments in foreign affairs give Mr. Roosevelt an opportunity to switch a considerable volume of public spending from these agencies into the manufacture of arms. The recently an- nounced policy of defending the whole American hemisphere is to be used as the justification for unprecedented requests for aeroplanes and other munitions.
It is obvious that these requests are far in excess of the defence requirements even of this extended programme. Neither Germany, Japan, nor Italy, nor all three in concert, have bases and naval forces sufficient to maintain successfully a conquering force upon American soil. The President must rather be thinking of playing a larger part in future in international affairs, and of being so equipped as to make his words listened to with respect. There is a strong section of opinion here which thinks of the British ruling class as becoming inert, if not senile. There is no anxiety to pick chestnuts out of the fire. But an increasing number of Americans are ready to take the lead against totalitarian threats to democracy, and to take over the defence of Australia and other outposts if necessary. The actions of Hitler and Goebbels are giving this section an opportunity it might never have received otherwise.
It is said that Mr. Roosevelt's intention is to create in America a new mass-production aeroplane-building industry. He has recently announced plans for using the National Youth Administration (which helps young students to com- plete their education by providing them with part-time employment) to train 20,000 young men in the construction and maintenance of aircraft, as has been done in Germany. They will become as familiar with the handling and repair of aeroplanes as every American youngster now is with motor- cars. The philosophy of the New Deal and the interests of big business can combine to repeat the miracle of the automobile.
Nobody who understands the passion of this people for mechanical invention and its readiness to be fired with enthu- siasm for novel causes will doubt that the thing can he done. When the machines begin to roll with regularity from the assembly line, not only will the United States be invincible and the Western hemisphere be immune from attack, but friendly nations may feel secure from the danger of interrup- tion of production at home. In the present temper of the American people it should not be difficult to secure an amend- ment to the neutrality law permitting aid to the victims of aggression, so that Britain and France could purchase aircraft from America even if an American force were not actually sent to their assistanm.
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