MR. DISRAELFS POSITION THIS SESSION:
AS regards mere political attitude, Mr. Disraeli has never borne himself better throughout the whole period of his public life than during the Session which is now drawing to a close. There was room in it for very dangerous attacks on treme moderation, not only in relation to the negotiations occupation's gone. The Conservatives may win, they under the Treaty of Washington, but to the Collier Scandal, think, but they will not win the power of conserving and all the other irritating incidents of the Session has been, what was alone dear to them. You can see the same feel- if not certainly due, at least fairly referable to a patriotic ing even in some of Mr. Disraeli's own colleagues. Mr. preference of his country to his party for which Mr. Disraeli Gathorne Hardy, who, of course, sanctioned what was is entitled to the utmost credit. What influence a certain done in 1867, often speaks in a tone of regret and privation political languor which appears to have been creeping over Mr. of what was then done and of its results, which at once Disraeli may have had on the result, it is at once impossible and marks him out as an unwilling political accomplice of Mr. hardly fair to ask. All that we see is that Mr. Disraeli has borne Disraeli. In short, the weakness of Mr. Disraeli's position is himself in the Commons with far greater impartiality and this,—that he has relied too much on the kind of Conservatism dignity than the leaders of Opposition in the Lords,—for in the which he saw to be really ingrained in the poorest class of the Peers the leadership is practically in commission,—have borne English people, the Conservatism devoted to political and themselves in the Upper House, and that this reticence has social forma and traditions which the good sense of the people certainly contributed in no small degree to the success of the has already found the means of moulding into practical elas- negotiation with the United States which he could easily ticity to their own ends. But such a Conservatism is nothing have ruined. It is inevitable and, indeed, quite just that Mr. to the rank and file of the Tory party without something Disraeli's character as a statesman in some degree above party, much more substantial, the power of maintaining the great should gain in public esteem by this attitude of forbearance, historical privileges of caste, landed property, and wealth.' and by the magnanimous support which he virtually gave to Mr. Disraeli's reform has held out some prospect of giving-
the Government. durability to the constitutional traditions of the British people,
Nevertheless, it is obvious enough that Mr. Disraeli has not,on but at the sacrifice of the most notable of the privileges the whole, gained ground with his own party. The Conservative which caste, land, and wealth a year or two ago enjoyed. irreconcilables have never been, we certainly cannot say so Of course, they have for a time lost their interest in party voiceless—for the two Mr. Bentincks, Mr. Beresford Hope, and victories. Members like the Messrs. Bentinck, Mr. Beres- Mr. Newdegate must be said to possess some of the most inde- ford Hope, Mr. Newdegate, and Sir Rainald Snightley feel to fatigable voices in the House of Commons, as well as some of a certain extent mocked at, when they are assured that they the most remarkable for the excess of emphasis with which may yet, thanks to Mr. Disraeli, get a strong Conservative they are managed,—but certainly have never been so in- majority. They know they can't take back what has been effectively represented as they are now. While Lord Salis- given away. They are not imaginative enough to conceive bury and Lord Carnarvon in the House of Peers have in some other losses quite as important, which a Conservative victory sense been brought over to acknowledge Mr. Disraeli's leader- may yet avert. They feel the vacancy in their hearts where ship, in deference to his colleague and friend Lord Derby, the caste privileges, Church privileges, land privileges once were, dissatisfied Conservatives of the Lower House are more utterly and now are no longer ; and they feel like the man who, after destitute of head and organization than even the celebrated he had lost his wife and all his children for want of a little "Cave"of 1866, at the time when Mr.Bright deseribeditasaparty timely nourishment and medical aid, was suddenly told that so closely resembling a little Skye terrier that you could not tell he was the heir to a considerable fortune. The difficulty of Mr. which was its head and which its tail. One would have supposed Disraeli's position, then, seems to be the hollowness and faint- that this ineffectual character of the organisation below the heartedness of his enraged and disappointed followers, who are gangway would have left Mr. Disraeli practically supreme, told to hope for victory, when all for which they were accus- since a Cave of Adullam without any David is not really very tomed to fight has vanished from their reach. Mr. Disraeli, formidable. But the truth seems to be, that the discontent with therefore, may perhaps be more than praiseworthy,—that he Mr. Disraeli is of that deep-rooted kind which will only bear certainly is,—in adopting the magnanimous, reserved, and comparison with the discontent that was felt against Sir Robert temperate line which he is pursuing ; he may be wise as well. Peel in 1845 and 1846—the discontent of which Mr. Disraeli Liberals can hardly enter adequately into the feelings of himself became the powerful organ—when the country party the dispirited band which have for four years been seeing all saw that he was abandoning the theory of Protection. The they eared for in politics spirited away out of their grasp, and country Conservatives, unable as they are to find an efficient who have been comforted with the poor consolation that as leader, feel—and feel all the more bitterly for their ineffectual soon as all they valued most was gone, they would get a the Government, attacks dangerous not only to the Govern- attempts at expression,—that it was Mr. Disraeli's policy in 1867 ment, but‘to the country and to the peace of the world ; and which rendered the disestablishment of the Irish Church, the from all such attacks he has refrained with an amount of reform of the Irish Land Laws, the abolition of Purchase in the forbearance and self-restraint which, if he were really anxious Army, and finally, the Ballot, possible in 1869, 1870, 1871, and to precipitate an issue with the Liberal party, could hardly be 1872. Without the great lever which Mr. Disraeli put into esteemed too highly. Of course, it is quite conceivable that Mr. Gladstone'e hands, these radical changes would have been Mr. Disraeli is not at all anxious to precipitate an issue with impossible, andit is no consolation to them to be told that though the Liberal party, that he thinks that time is on his side, and these changes have come, there has followed upon them a great that he has regarded the organisation of his own followers as Conservative reaction, which may possibly one day reinstate Mr. being far from what it ought to be at a moment so critical as Disraeli in power, with a majority at his back. They ask, what to suggest the imminence of a change of government. But is the use of shutting the stable-door when the steed is stolen? whether this be so or not, we must admit that such a factious Grant the growing Conservatism of the new Constituencies, and personally ambitious politician as Mr. Disraeli himself has what is the use of it when you have already given away all that too often seemed to us, would, in Mr. Disraeli's place, have used the Conservative party wanted to keep I Dr. Ball and his Irish. the advantages of his position with far more unscrupulousness Protestants feel that they have no longer a (lurch to fight fox' ; . than Mr. Disraeli actually has done,—that he might, by a and that they have no longer a Church to fight for, they !mow very little infusion of new acrimony into the quarrel, have that they owe to Mr. Disraeli's Reform Bill. Sir Rainald Kiight/ey managed to render the execution of the Treaty of Washing- and his squirearchical friends who speak of the three heads of ton altogether impossible, and so to throw on his political the Conservatives in the Upper House as " Cerberus," and sigh foes the discredit which failure in such matters always even for one of them to lead the Commons, feel that they have no brings. It is not to the purpose to say that had Mr. Disraeli longer the same advantage in fighting for the English land- done so, he would have rendered a change of Government, for owner that they had before the terrible precedent of 1870, which he was not prepared, imperative. Perhaps he would, The many excellent Colonels and Majors of the party have but the very fact of the victory might have gained him new almost lost their interest in the great institution of the Army control over his own party, and strengthened the organisation since promotion ceased to be purchasable ; and the friends of from the weakness of which he now suffers. The remedy for "the legitimate influence of property on elections" have want of influence is,—success. No one knows better than bidden adieu to the open vote with a sort of "pale despair Mr. Disraeli that the same man who is a very disaffected and cold tranquillity," that leaves them no interest in the pos- follower of a leader in a weak minority, is often one of Bible objects of the Conservative policy of the future. In short, the most trustworthy supporters of the same leader in what Mr. Disraeli's discontented followers feel is that if, after treme moderation, not only in relation to the negotiations occupation's gone. The Conservatives may win, they under the Treaty of Washington, but to the Collier Scandal, think, but they will not win the power of conserving and all the other irritating incidents of the Session has been, what was alone dear to them. You can see the same feel- if not certainly due, at least fairly referable to a patriotic ing even in some of Mr. Disraeli's own colleagues. Mr. preference of his country to his party for which Mr. Disraeli Gathorne Hardy, who, of course, sanctioned what was is entitled to the utmost credit. What influence a certain done in 1867, often speaks in a tone of regret and privation political languor which appears to have been creeping over Mr. of what was then done and of its results, which at once Disraeli may have had on the result, it is at once impossible and marks him out as an unwilling political accomplice of Mr. hardly fair to ask. All that we see is that Mr. Disraeli has borne Disraeli. In short, the weakness of Mr. Disraeli's position is himself in the Commons with far greater impartiality and this,—that he has relied too much on the kind of Conservatism dignity than the leaders of Opposition in the Lords,—for in the which he saw to be really ingrained in the poorest class of the Peers the leadership is practically in commission,—have borne English people, the Conservatism devoted to political and themselves in the Upper House, and that this reticence has social forma and traditions which the good sense of the people certainly contributed in no small degree to the success of the has already found the means of moulding into practical elas- negotiation with the United States which he could easily ticity to their own ends. But such a Conservatism is nothing have ruined. It is inevitable and, indeed, quite just that Mr. to the rank and file of the Tory party without something Disraeli's character as a statesman in some degree above party, much more substantial, the power of maintaining the great should gain in public esteem by this attitude of forbearance, historical privileges of caste, landed property, and wealth.' and by the magnanimous support which he virtually gave to Mr. Disraeli's reform has held out some prospect of giving-
the Government. durability to the constitutional traditions of the British people,
Nevertheless, it is obvious enough that Mr. Disraeli has not,on but at the sacrifice of the most notable of the privileges the whole, gained ground with his own party. The Conservative which caste, land, and wealth a year or two ago enjoyed. irreconcilables have never been, we certainly cannot say so Of course, they have for a time lost their interest in party voiceless—for the two Mr. Bentincks, Mr. Beresford Hope, and victories. Members like the Messrs. Bentinck, Mr. Beres- Mr. Newdegate must be said to possess some of the most inde- ford Hope, Mr. Newdegate, and Sir Rainald Snightley feel to fatigable voices in the House of Commons, as well as some of a certain extent mocked at, when they are assured that they the most remarkable for the excess of emphasis with which may yet, thanks to Mr. Disraeli, get a strong Conservative they are managed,—but certainly have never been so in- majority. They know they can't take back what has been effectively represented as they are now. While Lord Salis- given away. They are not imaginative enough to conceive bury and Lord Carnarvon in the House of Peers have in some other losses quite as important, which a Conservative victory sense been brought over to acknowledge Mr. Disraeli's leader- may yet avert. They feel the vacancy in their hearts where ship, in deference to his colleague and friend Lord Derby, the caste privileges, Church privileges, land privileges once were, dissatisfied Conservatives of the Lower House are more utterly and now are no longer ; and they feel like the man who, after destitute of head and organization than even the celebrated he had lost his wife and all his children for want of a little "Cave"of 1866, at the time when Mr.Bright deseribeditasaparty timely nourishment and medical aid, was suddenly told that so closely resembling a little Skye terrier that you could not tell he was the heir to a considerable fortune. The difficulty of Mr. which was its head and which its tail. One would have supposed Disraeli's position, then, seems to be the hollowness and faint- that this ineffectual character of the organisation below the heartedness of his enraged and disappointed followers, who are gangway would have left Mr. Disraeli practically supreme, told to hope for victory, when all for which they were accus- since a Cave of Adullam without any David is not really very tomed to fight has vanished from their reach. Mr. Disraeli, formidable. But the truth seems to be, that the discontent with therefore, may perhaps be more than praiseworthy,—that he Mr. Disraeli is of that deep-rooted kind which will only bear certainly is,—in adopting the magnanimous, reserved, and comparison with the discontent that was felt against Sir Robert temperate line which he is pursuing ; he may be wise as well. Peel in 1845 and 1846—the discontent of which Mr. Disraeli Liberals can hardly enter adequately into the feelings of himself became the powerful organ—when the country party the dispirited band which have for four years been seeing all saw that he was abandoning the theory of Protection. The they eared for in politics spirited away out of their grasp, and country Conservatives, unable as they are to find an efficient who have been comforted with the poor consolation that as leader, feel—and feel all the more bitterly for their ineffectual soon as all they valued most was gone, they would get a
very strong majority to assist them in retaining all that landlords of Ireland and of course of Galway, Catholic and Pro- remained behind.
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