20 JUNE 1840, Page 15


THE title ()Hills work., as :Mrs. A usriN rein:Irks ill her prefiice, does not " accurately represent the subject of the book." It is not, however, so much " a history of the great still:4de between Catholicism and Protestantism," as a history of the Popedom, nod of Catholicism itsa: The Popes indeed arc striking figures in the piece, not merely in their enpacity of spiritual and temporal sove- reigns, but in their personal character as individuals, and. their biography as fbrtunate men—for some of them rose from very humble stations. But there is a great deal more. The correption of the Catholic Church, and the gross infidelity of many Church- men, Ivhich gave rise to the Retbrmation, are psinted in startling colours, but without exaggeration or invective. The religious awakening which this. corruption produced in It::1v, contemporane- ously with the opposition Of LuritEit and his followers—the little real difference in fhith that existed between the Separatists of Ger- many and the inquiring Catholics, such differences relating to dis- cipline and temporalities rather than to essential points of doe- trine—are also brought befbre the reader, as well as the political interests Cuf Princes and the Popes, which first delayed and at last prevented these truly Catholic inquiries from ending in a searching reform and unity of the whole Western Church. Still, says R E, the revolt of the Lutherans, and the reaction in the boson' of the Papacy, though threatening its destruction, contributed to its restoration. l''hey produced a general reformation of manners in the clergy ; they frequently raised men of deep piety and austere virtue to the triple crown, and compelled looser Popes so far to regard appearances as to assume an outward decorum, and to pro- mote men of gravity and limit. These things gave spiritual strength to the Romish Church ; which was further increased by secular causes. The authority of the Kings of Spain was Ibunded Ott religion ; the Monarchs of France fancied they perceived that changes in the national fitith induced desires for a change in the government ; and in Italy, besides the powers the Pope could in- fluence, he wielded absolute temporal authority in the States of the Church. The Jesuits, moreover, by the establishment of a new

system of instruction, gratified the general demand for information, and retained for the Church the power over opinion which the training of youth bestows : the sterner spirits of the priesthood ex- tended the Inquisition, so as to repress by authority all difference

of opinion. Besides the elaborate exposition of these things, Pro-

fessor Rixan gives a view of the literature of Catholicism and

biographies of its leading members ; so that the work, in addition

to history in a very extended sense, contains a long gallery of por- traits.

The time embraced by the work is, in strictness, from the first commencement of LuTliEn's opposition, (1 5 1 70 in the latter years ofao the Tenth, to the last triumph of revived Catholicism under FERDINAND Or 2ustIia, (1 628.) Professor RANEE'S VC/111MS, how- ever, may be said to embrace the entire history of the Papacy ; as an introduction gives a summary review of the rise and progress of the Popedom from its first institution to the election of Leo, and the last volume is devoted to the successive shocks the Papal power received from Louis the Fourteenth and the Bourbon Princes in the last century, till the Governments springing front the French Revolution destroyed it altogether. The materials from which the History of the Popes is drawn are entitled to notice ; for we suspect they impart its greatest value to the work, as they certainly give both its character and tone. If the most powerful and accomplished mind be indebted only to public documents, or the compilations of previous writers, his production must be deficient in raciness. With whatever sagacity motives may be penetrated, and the truth perceived—with whatever genius the essential points of' the story may be grasped, or the whole of the subject distinctly mastered in the mind of the writer and pre- sented to the reader—there will be something cold and almost lifeless in the history. It will want the charauteristic truth, the certainty of view whether right or wrong, and the numerous little traits of manners, which lend such a charm to contemporary nar- rative or to productions skilfully compiled front them. Without ne- glecting published authorities, RANKE has had recourse to a great many manuscript documents, some in Germany, but mostly in Venice and Rome, of the kind he shall himself describe.

"It was an almost universal custom among the great houses of Venice to have a cabinet of manuscripts attached to their library. These, of course, chiefly related to the affairs of the Republic, and represented the share which the particular family had taken in public business. They were carefully pre- served, as memorials of the history and importance of the house, for tile in- struction of its younger members. A few of these private collections are still remaining, and were accessible to Inc ; but a far greater number perished in the general ruin of the year 1797, and subsequently. If more has been saved out of the wreck than might be imagined, the world owes it chiefly to the librarians of St. Mark, who exerted the utmost powers of their institution to effect that object.

" Iii the palmy days of aristocracy—that is, in the seventeenth century par- ticularly—the great families who were at the head of public affairs all over Europe were in possession of a part of the public documents. Nowhere was Bliss° remarkably the ease as in Rome. The kinsmen of the reigning rope, who in every pontificate possessed the supreme power, usually bequeathed as an heir-loom to the princely houses which they founded a considerable quantity of state papers, accumulated during their administration. They were thought

a part of the hereditary possessions of a family. In the palace which they built there were two or three rooms, generally in the highest story, appro-

priated to books and manuscripts, and enriched by the contributions of each succeeding generation. The private collections of Rome are, in a certain sense, the public ones; and the dispersion of the archives of the state in the different houses of the fitudlies successively at the head of affairs was sanc- tioned by common usage ; in the same way as a part of the public revenues were permitted to overflow into the hands of the papal families; or as some private cAtTlions, such ns those of the Borghese or Deria palaces, far sur- passed that of the Vatican (I.illery in extent or hibtorieal importance. " It thus happem, that the manuscripts which are preserved in the Bar- lll'm'iII I, Alt ieri, and Corsini palaces, are of incalculable value for Site ecclesiastical and political history of Ihe Popes of ltome—the church and, state over NvIliult they presided. The State-archive Office, which has not been very long arranged, is peculiarly important as 1.,:;anlii thy middle ages from its collection Of registers, 041101 \Mild 0111111y reward an inquirer into the history of that period for the labour of researth ; hat so litr as my knowledge extends, I cannot say that it contains much calculated to throw light 011 111010 100derll NM'S. J tS V0111C lilt 0 nothing (inles I have been purposely deceived) before the splendour and the riches of' private collections. Each of these, of course, embraces more especially the epoch in which the Pope of the particular house reigned; but as the kiutsm,teiu Of each retained a very eminent position, as all men are eager to enlarge and cmnplete It collection once begun, and as ample filcilities for doing so were afforded in Rome, where it literary traffic in

manuscripts had grown up, there is not one which does not contain' many do-

cuments tending to throw great light on other ages, both remote and proxi- mate. By hir the richest (in consequence of some valuable begnests) is the ii III trimil ; but the (.'orsini was, from its very foundatimt, planned and ar- ranged with the greatest ea rc and choice. I had the good fortune tube allowea access (in some cases with unlimited freedom) to all these collections, as wen as to others of h2s8 imporf alive. They afforded me an mihoped-for harvest of authentic materials rpposite to my purpose. Correspondences of the nuntia- t taw, with the accornpan■ Mg instructions, and the reports which were brought

back ; lives of several Popes, written in great detail, and with all the freedom of communications not in to meet the public eye; lives of distinguished

Cardinals ; official mid pi irate journals; explanations of particular incidents and situations ; official opinions and deliberations; reports of the administra- tion of the provinces, their trade and manufactures ; statistical tables; ac- counts of income and expenditure ; by far the greater part of them unknown, usually constructed by men who had a thorough and practical knowledge of their subject, and of tt credibility which, though it by no means precludes the necessity for examination and criticism, is equal to what is universally accorded to the testimony of well-informed contemporaries."

Although essential to the library, and supplying a void in liters- ture,—for nowhere else can so hull and yet so succinct an account of the subject be found,—Banke's History of the Popes is scarcely proportioned to the character of its materials or the learning and labour bestowed upon it. It is rather the skilful compilation of a toilsome and industrious scholar, than the production of an ani- mated and comprehensive genius. The arrangement is occasion- ally defective, being somewhat abrupt and fragmentary, the author passing from one thing to another without any obvious connexion either in their own nature or his purpose ; a fault, however, with this redeeming quality, that it produces greater variety of topics, and allows the introduction of subjects that a more regularly- conducted plan would not have permitted. RANKE'S general nar- rative is also too allusive, and in some sense deficient. He throws out the result of his labours in the form of " foregone conclusions," and refers to matters which the reader may not and possibly can- not know, as in order to have a full apprehension of them it would be requisite to have gone over the ground the author has travelled. Hence he is sometimes misty : the words will always be under- stood, for the style is clear, but the reader may not always appre- hend the author's meaning. Nor can he be said to grasp his sub- ject in its full extent, and to present it simply but completely to his readers,—the effect of a mind, not naturally equal to its theme, and somewhat affected by a foreign mode of philosophizing. These remarks, however, only apply to the general conduct of the history, or the larger results. In particular description, and the account of individuals, lie is full, clear, and satisfying.

In taking a survey of any period of ecclesiastical history, or tracing it throughout its whole course, the most glaring impres- sion it leaves upon the mind is, the trivial influence which re- ligion, in a spiritual sense, has directly exercised upon govern- ments and polities. Se titr from its having guided the conduct of princes and great men, they have invariably prostituted it to their own purposes ; the most superstitious prince and the most fanatic churchman having, amid all their religious feelings, a very keen eye to worldly interests, or secular power. As soon as Christianity, by the labours of the Apostles and their successors, was established in the public opinion of the majority, CONSTAN■ TINE seized upon it as a means of advancement and an instrument of' government ; and the clergy, nothiog loath, seconded his efforts for the temporalities which a state support produced. The rise of the Popedom after the overthrow of the Roman Empire is attributa- ble to the convenience or interests of secular governments: rulers desired to control the power over opinion which the clergy exercised and the unity of the Church under a single head, was the most direct and promising means. The factions winch rent Italy during the middle ages, if not originating with the Pope, were fostered by Inni for secular purposes: the German Emperors held him in thrall, and to oppose their power he headed the Republican party of the GUELPHS. In the grosser ages of Popish corruption, which terminated with the infamous ALEXANDER the Sixth, it would be idle to expect any leaven of spiritual motives, however slight ; nor are these to be found where they might fairly be looked for. We speak not of such obvious motives of worldly interest or carnal lust as the support of Lurnint by some of the Protestant Princes of Germany, or the English Reformation under HENRY, when "gospel light first dawn'd front Bullen's eves;" nor even of the conduct of CHARLES the Fifth towards the Pope, which, with religion for its professed ob- ject, fluctuated just as his political interests dictated. In the first religious war of Germany, when the triumph of Catholicism seemed to depend upon the success of the Emperor, the Pope withdrew his troops from Cllaar.as as soon as there was a prospect of Pro- testant defeat ; he incited FRANCIS the First of France, not merely to attack the Catholic champion, or to ally himself with heretics, but to assist them heartily, " to help those who were not yet beaten"; and not long afterwards there was the singular spectacle of the Pope himself attacked 'by Catholics under ALVA, and de- fended by German Lutherans. IEs successors at a later period adopted similar courses. The Court of Rome having instigated FERDINAND to the second religious war in Germany, became alarmed at the fortune which was to extend the fhith, and to in- crease the temporal power of a potentate of the faithftd. The Pope accordingly leagued with RICHELIEU, who had just destroyed the power of the Huguenots in France, and encouraged the alli- ance with the great Protestant hero GUSTAVUS of Sweden. If ever a monarch deserved well of Rome, it was certainly ..TAmns the Second : if the Pope was not aware of' the designs of the Prince of ORANGE and the English Protestants, his confidential ministers were ; but not a syllable of information did they breathe to the good gentleman, who, in the words of the French courtier, " lost three kingdoms for a mass." On the succession of WIL- LIAM, the Pope's aspirations were all in favour of Protestant Eng- land and Holland against Catholic France ; and (not to weary 'with instances) when the temporal power of the Pope was destroyed, after his dominions were taken from him and his person -confined, it was to three Protestant potentates and the head of the Greek Church that he appealed for favour and support. It would be an extensive task, with rather a dry result, to illus- trate in detail the secular spirit which, as long as the Church is connected with the State, and not only looks with longing on the things of Ca:sar, but is to a great extent dependeet on them, must of necessity animate the conduct of all Churchmen, no matter what their particular professions. Instead of attempting this, we will confine our extracts from RANKE to the more miscellimeous por- tions, which, besides possessing a greater interest, will convey a better idea of the varied contents of this book. We will, however, so far select them as to convey a notion of the spirit which Catho- licism displayed at different times.


Not only the most exalted posts in the church, but all, from the highest to the lowest, were regarded as secular property. The Pope nomivatcd cardinals from personal devour, or to please sonic prince, or, not unfrequently, for direct payment in money. Was it rational to expect that men so chosen could ffiltil their spiritual duties ? Sixtus the Fourth gave one of the most important offices, the Penitentiaria, (which involved a large portion of the power of granting dispensations,) to one of Isis nephews, at the same time extending its privileges. He issued a bull for the express purpose of claiming them ; in which lee calls all who should doubt of the justiee of such measures a stiff- necked generation, and children of iniquity. It followed of course that the nephew regarded Ilia office as a benefice, the revenues of which he was at liberty to raise to the highest possible pitch. At this period the greater number of bishoprics already conferred a large share of secular power; they were granted as sinecures, from fluidly considera- tions or court devour. The Roman Curia sought only to extract the greatest possible profit from the vacancies and appointments. Alexander took double Inmates, and levied double and triple tithes. Almost every thing was put up to sale ; the taxes of the Papal chancery rose from day to day. It was the duty of the Director to remove causes of complaint ; but he generally left the revision to the very men who had fixed the amount of the taxes. Every mark

of favour which the office of the Dataria granted, was paid for beforehand with a fixed sum. The disputes between the potentates of Europe and the Curia generally arose entirely out of these contributions, which the court of Rome strove to increase, and every country to reduce as much as possible. The nominees of such a system were, down to the very lowest class, of ne-

cessity actuated by the same motives. Men renounced their bishoprics, in- deed, but re:faired the greater part of their revenues, and sometimes even the collation to the dependent benefices. Even the laws enacting that no son of an ecclesiastic should inherit his father's living, that no priest should bequeath his living by will, were evaded. As every man by dint of money could ob- tain as coadjutor whomsoever he pleased, benefices became, in fact and prac- tice, hereditary. The natural result was, that the performance of religious duties was in general completely neglected.


Lived in the enjoyment of the growing temporal power attached to the highest spiritual dignity. Hi3 claim to the honour of giving his name to this age has been disputed ; and perhaps he owed it less to merit than to fortune. He had grown up in the elements which formed the world around him, and he possessed sufficient freedom from prejudice and susceptibility of mind to foster and to enjoy its glories. If he had a peculiar delight in the Latin writings of direct imitators, he could not withhold his interest from the ori- ginal works of his contemporaries. In his presence the first tragedy was acted ; and even, spite of the objections to a play imitated from Plautus, the first comedy in the Italian language. There is scarcely one of which he did not witness the first representation. Ariosto was one of the acquaintances of his youth. Machiavelli wrote several things expressly for him. For him Raffaele filled chambers, „milleries, and chapels with human beauty raised to ideal perfection and with life in its purest expression. He had a passionate love of music, which just then begins to be cultivated throughout Italy in a more scientific manner. The walls of the palace daily echoed with the sounds of music ; the Pope was heard to hum the melodies that had delighted him It may be that this is a sort of intellectual sensuality ; if so, it is at least the only sensuality becoming a human being. Leo the Tenth was full of kindness and sympathy : he rarely refused a re- quest; or if he did, it was in the gentlest manner, and only when it was im- possible to grant it. " He is a good man," says an observing ambassador to his court ; " very bounteous, and of a kindly nature; if he were not under the influence of his kinsmen he would avoid all errors." "Ile is learned," says another, " and a lover of learned men ; religious, but yet disposed to enjoy life." He did not, indeed, always maintain the decorum befitting a pope : sometimes, to the despair of his master of the ceremonies, he quitted Rome not only without a surplice, but even, as the distressed functionary observes in his diary, " what is the most vexatious, with boots on Isis feet." He spent the autumn in rural pleasures ; he took the diversion of hawking at Viterbo, of stag-hunting at Corneto, and of fishing on the lake of Bolsena ; after which he passed some time at his favourite seat at Malliana, where he was accom- panied by men of those light and stipple talents which enliven every passing hour—such as infprovisatori. In the winter he returned to the city, which was in the highest state of prosperity. The number of inhabitants increased a third in a few years: manuffictures found their profit ; art, honour ; every one security. Never was the court more lively, more agreeable, more intel- lectual; no expenditure was too great to be lavished on religious and secular festivals, on amusements and theatres, on presents and marks of devour. It was heard with pleasure that Giuliano Medici, with Isis young wife, thought of

making Rome Isis residence, Praised be God " Cardinal Bibbiena writes to him, " the only thing we want is a court with ladies."


The schools of iddlosophy were divided as to whether the soul was really

immaterial and immortal, hut one diffused through all mankind, or whether it was merely mortal. The most distinguished philosopher of that day, Pietro Pomponazzo, declared himself the champion of the latter opinion. De corn- pared himself to Prometheus, whose vitals were preyed upon by a vulture for having stolen tire from heaven ; but with all his painful toil, with all his acute- ness, he arrived at no other result than this—. Tiest when the legislator de- creed that the said was immortal, he had done so without troubling himself about the truth." it must not be supposed that these opinions were confined to a few or held in secret ; Erasmus expresses his nstonishment at the blas- phemies he heard. An attempt was made to prove to him, a foreigner, out of Pliny, that there was no difference between the souls of men and of beasts,

id bile the common people sank into an almost pagan superstition, and looked for salvation to mere ceremonial practices, the opinions of the upper classes were of an anti-religious tendency. How astonished wits the youthfld Luther when he visited Italy. At the

very moment that the offering of the mass was 'Hoist wit, the priests uttered words of blasphemy which denied its efficacy. It was the tone of good society in Rome to question the evidences of Christianity. " No one pasFed," savs P. Ant. Bandino, " for an accomplished man who did not entertain heretiCal opinions about Christianity ; at the court the ordinances of the Catholic Church and passages of holy writ were spoken of only in a jesting manner; the mysteries of the faith were ilespiied."

We will pass over the contests with the lieformers,—searcely narrated at a length proportioned to their own importance or their connexion with the Popes,—to the flmnder of the order of the Jesuits, one of the most remarkable men whom even superstition has produced. Born of a Spanish flunily, so noble that its head was always " invited" to do homage by special writ, Jo xAnus LOYOLA was ti soldier, a cavalier, a courtier, and a spiritual author— for he composed a romance of chivalry, whose hero was the first Apostle. Wounded in both his legs at the defence of Pampeluna, he was maimed for life. The military career closed against him, rendered irritable and sensitive by his illness, and his mind teeming with the memorials of his lbrmer studies and the works he had read in his confinement, he fell into a most extraordinary state of

ecstacy. transformed the Saints into heroes militant; " he figured to himself two camps, one at Jerusalem the other at Ba- bylon, the one of Christ the other of Satan, arrayed for combat"—

" Ile represents Christ as a king who has issued a command to all stations to overcome the infidels. ti hoey,T would follow him to battle, 'mist be nou- rished with like food and clad in like raiment with him ; lie must bear the same toils and the same watchisigs; according to this measure would be his share in the victory and in the reward : that every man would then confess before Christ, his Holy Mother, and the whole heavenly host, that he had been IL faithful follower of his Master, and had been ready to share with him in all adversities, and to serve him in true poverty of body and of spirit. " These wild and fanciful reveries teem perhap3 the moans by whirls Ids trans- ition from worldly to spiritual knighththel was effected. For such was the institution (the ideal of trhich was framed upon the deeds mid the authorities of saints) to which all his desires were directed. Ile tore himself away from his dither's house mid from his kindred, and went to live on Mount Montserrat; not impelled by remorse for his sins, not by strong and genuine religious aspi- rations, but, as he himself has told us, sofely by the desire to achieve deeds as great as those which have rendered the Saints so illustrious ; to nntlergo penances as severe or severer than theirs, and to serve God in Jerusalem. Ile hung up Iii, lance and shield hefore an image of the floly Virgin, and knelt or stood before it in prayer, W ith Isis pilgrim's staff in his hand,—a vigil different indeed from that of knighthood, but yet expressly suggested by Amatlis, in which the laws and customs of chivalry are so secure tely deswihed. Ile gave away the knightly dress and accoutrements whieh he had svorit on Ids journey, and clothed himself in the coarse raiment of the hermits whose solitary shvellbigs are hewn in these naked rocks. He made a general confession, and fearing flint if he proceeded directly to Barcelona, (whither his project of going to Jmus salon would have led him,) he would he recognized in the streets, he repaired first to Manresa, whence, after fresh penances, he was to reach the port. But here new trials awaited him. The mood of' mind which he bad indulged rather as a sport of the fancy, had obtained almost entire mastery over him, and began to manifest all its serious and awful power. In the cell of a Domi- nican convent lie gave himself up to the severest penances. Ile rose at mid- night to pray ; he passed seven hours daily on his knees, and scourged himself regularly thrice a day. Not only did lie find these ascetic practices so hard that he often doubted whether he should be able to persevere in them all his life, but, what was far more important, he discovered that they did not trait/mill= his spirit. On Mount Montserrat he had devoted three days to making a general confession of his whole past life ; but he did not think this enough. In Monsen Ise repeated it : he added long-forgotten sins to the catalogue, and searched the records of his memory for the most venial trifle ; butt the more he explored, the more painful were the doubts which assailed him, lie thought that he could obtain neither acceptance nor justification of God, lie read in some of the Fathers that God had once been propitiated and moved to com- passion by total abstinence from food. He therefore remained from Sunday to Sunday without eating. His confessor forbade him to prolong his last; and, as he esteemed no quality on earth so highly as obedience, he immediately de- sisted. At times, indeed, Ile felt as if his melancholy was removed Isl.= him, and had fallen as a heavy garment falls front the shoulders, but his mental torments presently returned. It seemed to hint that his whole life had been one uninterrupted succession of sins. Sometimes he was tempted to dash himself out of the window.


If we attentively consider the laws whiclo were gradually given to this society, we shall find that one of the main objects which lay at the bottom of them all was, the complete separation of its members from all the ordinary relations Of life. Love of kindred was denounced as a carnal affection. Ile who renounced Isis possessions in order to enter the society, was not to give them to his rela- tions, but to distribute them amongst the poor. He who had once catered, could neither receive nor write a letter that was not read by a superior. The society would have the whole man ; it would biud every inclination in its fetters. It would share even his secrets. A general confession was the preliminary to his entrance. He must enumerate all his faults, nay even all his virtues, A father confessor was appointed him by his superiors ; the superior reserved to himself the power of granting absolution in cases which it was expedient for him to know. This was insisted on as a means of enabling him to obtain a

perfect knowledge of those under him, and to use them at his discretion. , For in this society obedience usurped the place of every relation or affection, of every impulse or motive, that could stimulate man to activity ; obedience for its own sake, without any regard whatever to its object or consequences. No num was permitted to aspire after any rank or station above that which he held ; if it happened that the secular coadjutor could not read and write, he was not to learn without permission. With the most absolute abnegation of all right of private judgment, Ile who entered this society must suffer himself to be ruled by his superiors in blind submissiveness, like some inanimate thing— like the staff which is turned to any purpose at the will of him who holds it. He was to behold in his superiors the representatives of Divine Providence.

What a power was that now vested in the General ! the power of wielding this implicit obedience wholly, irresponsibly, and for life. According to the project of 1543, all the members of the order who happened to be at the same place with the General, were to be called into council even on trifling affairs. The project of 1550, which was confirmed by Julius the Third, frees him from this obligation, whenever he himself deems it inexpedient to comply with it. It was only necessary to hold a council for any cleinge in the constitution, or for the dissolution of existing houses and colleges. la all other matters, all power that can conduce to the good government of the society was committed to him. lie had assistants in the several provinces, who, however, meddled in no affairs but those which he intrusted to them. Ile appointed the presidents of provinces, colleges, and houses, at his pleasure ; he admitted and dismissed, dispensed and punished ; he had a sort of papal power on a small scale. The only danger was, that the General in the possession of so vast a power, should lihnself depart from the principles of the order. To guard against this, he was subjected to certaio restraints. It was not perhaps of so much importance as it appeared to Ignatius, that the society or its deputies had the power of de- ciding on certain external things, such as meals, clothing, hours of. sleep, and all the details of daily life ; but it was unquestionably something that the pos- sessor of the supreme power was deprived of a freedom enjoyed by the ineasiest individual. The assistants, who were not nominated by him, also exercised a constant supervision over his conduct. There was an officer specially appointed to warn or reprove him, called the admonitor ; and in case ot any gross thults, the assistants were empowered to summon the general congregation, which was then authorized to pronounce sentence of deposition on their chief.

We will vary these larger historical views with a few miscella- neous extracts.


Pitts the Fourth made a fearful ex:milk of the nephews of Paul the Fourth. The excesses committed by the Duke of Palliano, even after his fidl, (among other atrocities, the murder of his wile in a tit ofjealonsy,) gave the enemies of the Caraffas, who thirsted for vengeance, an easy advantage. A criminal pro- cess was instituted against them, during which they were accused of the most revolting crimes, robberies, forgeries, mirders, combined with the most arbitrary exercise id power, and a system of constant uccept ion practised upon the aged Paul. 'We are in possession of their defence, which is not without a semblance of justification. But their accusers prevailed. After the Pope hail caused the documents to be read to him in the Consistory one my, from early morning till late in the evening, he passed sentence of death upon them, viz. the Cardinal, the Duke of Palliano, and two of their nearest relations, Count All lb and Leonardo di Cariline. Montebello and some others had escaped. The Cardinal perhaps expected banishment, but certainly not death. His sentence was announced to hint in the morning hefore lie was up, and, when no doubt was left him, he bid his face in the bedclothes ; then, raising himself up, he clasped his hands and uttered those words which are so often the last expression of despair from the lips of an Italian—" Bole, pazienza." Ile Ivas not permitted to have his usual confessor. Ile had, as may be imagined, much to say to the one they sent him, and his conkssion lasted rather long. " Monsignore, ' said the officer of police, "you must have done, we have other business in hand."


The house of Chigi at Home possesses a most interesting document—a small memorandum-book of Pope Sexttts the Fifth, in his own handwriting, kept while he was a monk. Every important event of his life, every place where he preached during Lent, the commis:inns which he received and executed, the books which he possessed, how they were bound, whether singly or together, and all the items of Ids small monkish expenditure, are carefully noted down: for example, we read there how his brother-in-law Baptista bought twelve Slier! her him ; bow he, the monk, paid first twelve and afterwards two florins and twenty bolognins, so that they became his property—the brother-in-law keeping them, us was the custom in 3Iont alto, and receiving half the profits; and so on. We discover how sparing he was of his small savings, how care- hilly he kept an account of them, and how in the end the sum increased to several hundred florins. These details are interesting, as exhibiting traces of the same economical mind which was shortly afterwards applied to the govern- ment of the Papal States. Economy is a quality for which Ile praises himself in every bull which affords an opportunity, and in many inscriptions; and in truth, no Pope, either before or after him, administered the revenues of his states with equal success. Ott his ascending the throne, he found an exhausted exchequer, and bitterly does he complain of Pope Gregory' who had spent mu large portion of the reve- nues of his predecessor as well as of his successor : he had so bad an opinion of him, that he once ordered masses to be said for his soul, in consequence of 2 dream that he had seen him suffering puilisliment in the other world.

ROME IN 1443.

During the absence of the Popes in Avignon, the Rome of the middle ages had sunk into equal decay with that ancient Rome which had so long lain in ruins..

When Eugenins the Fourth returned to Rome in 1443, it was become a city of herdsmen ; its inhabitants were not distinguishable from the peasants of the peighbotning country. The hills had long been abandoned, and the only part mhabikd was the plains along the banks of the Tibor; there was no pavement in the narrow streets, and these were rendered yet darker by the balconies and buttresses which propped one house against anot ; the cattle wandered about as in a village. From Sao Silvestro to the Porta del Popolo, all was garden and marsh, the haunt of flocks of wild ducks. The very memory of antiquity seemed almost effaced : the Capitol was become the Goats' Hill, the Forum Romanum the Cows' Field; the strangest legends were associated with the few remaining; monumeuts. The Church of St Peter was in danger of falling down.


Nothing could move Pius the Sixth to these concessions. It would have seemed to him apostaey from the very groundwork of the kith, treason to his high office, to give way on such points. He replied to these demands, " that after imploring help of God, and in- spired, as he believed, by the Divine Spirit, he declined acceding to these terms."

For a moment the revolutionary authorities seemed to acquiesce, an ac- commodation was devised without these concessions, but it was only for a moment. They advanced from the intention of breaking with the Pope, to the idea of entirely crushing him. The Directory found the government of priests in Italy incompatible with its own. At the first opportunity, (which was afforded by an accidental popular tumult,) Rome was invaded and the Vatican invested. Pius the Sixth prayed his enemies to let him, an old man of eighty, die there, where he had lived. They replied that he could die any where : they stripped and plundered his sitting-room before his eyes ; they deprived hint evett of the smallest things needful to his comfort ; they pulled the ring from his finger ; and at length carried him off to France, where he died in -August 1799.

A considerable part of the third volume consists of an Appendix, giving a curious critical description of the manuscript authorities to which Professor RAKE had recourse in the compilation of his work. The translation by Mrs. AUSTIN has the author's own stamp of approval; he praises it for " care and conscientiousness." We suspect that this care, though it has not affected the clearness or readableness of the composition, has somewhat militated against its ease and freedom ; it reads occasionally like English with touches of a German idiom.