Commonwealth and Foreign
HENLEIN'S ANTI-NAZI RIVAL
FROM A SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT IT is commonly supposed that the Germans of the Czechoslovak Republic unanimously support the Sudetendeutsche Partei (SdP) of the former gymnastic instructor Konrad Henlein. This belief is an important factor in the consideration of the political problems of Czechoslovakia and hence of the European situation. It is eagerly encouraged by the propaganda of the SdP which, at its Karlsbad congress on April 24th, 1938, openly declared itself to be a branch of the German National Socialist Party. The Press of the German Reich naturally propagates this belief assiduously, but it is somewhat more surprising that responsible English newspapers also take the SdP at its face value and refer to Henlein as if he were the sole leader and representative of the Sudeten German minority. A study of the situation on the spot gives a very different impression. The Sudeten German districts are far from being unanimous in their support of a single political doctrine ; they have not yet surrendered unconditionally to the magnetic attraction of National Socialism and its allies, they are rather still struggling to determine their political orientation.
That is especially true of the Social Democrats. At their party congress in Prague in March of this year the Social Democrats first made a change of leader. The former workman, Wenzel Jaksch, now 41 years of age, was elected leader of the party in the place of the previous leader Dr. Czech, a repre- sentative of the older generation. This meant that two im- portant changes took place : on the one hand a whole group of younger men began, with Jaksch, to play a leading role in the party—men who have the fighting spirit necessary to stem the tide of totalitarianism. Secondly, this change of leaders meant a change of policy from strict, academic Marxism to a less rigid conception of " Volkssozialismus " (popular socialism), which pays more attention to the solution of immediate problems than to the development of the Marxist thesis, and thus attracts support and sympathy from circles far beyond those of the working-class movement alone.
Jaksch is without doubt a man of unusual qualities, a personality who with his straightforwardness, honesty, enthusiasm and clarity of vision contrasts favourably with Henlein, the petty agitator of the Nazi school. Moreover Jaksch enjoys strong sympathies amongst the workers. He is not sparing in his criticism of the previous attitude of the Czechoslovak Government, but at the same time it is his aim to bring about a true reconciliation between Czechs and Germans within the framework of the Constitution and of the Republic. With regard to democratic liberties and cultural life he considers the position of the Germans in Czechoslovakia to be the best of any minority in Europe, and refuses to accept the atrocity propaganda of Henlein's party. He considers that the chief mistake of the Czech Government has been in the social sphere, where because of preferential treatment of the Czechs many Germans were unable to find employment and the economic crisis was greatly accentuated in the German districts of the Republic. Consequently, Jaksch considers that a solution of the social problem in the Sudeten German districts would mean the diminution, if not disappearance, of Nazi tendencies. Jaksch's immediate pro- posal is therefore that large public works should be undertaken in the German regions and a Bill to this effect was laid before Parliament by the German Social Democrats (supported by the Czech Social Democrats) just before the Easter recess. This Bill is at present under consideration by the Government.
Further, he demands complete equality between Czechs and Germans in the .allocation of State contracts, the admission of Germans to official posts and no discrimination in the application of measures of social welfare. These demands would be put into practice by the grant of autonomy to the Germans in the economic, educational and administrative spheres through German chambers of commerce, school committees and administrative bodies. The difference between these proposals and those of Henlein, particularly those put forward at the Karlsbad conference, is clear. Above all, Jaksch's proposals are of a conciliatory nature and recognise the unity of the Czechoslovak State ; in fact, Jaksch is alto- gether much more closely ,connected with the Germanism
of Austria than with that of the Reich, and he sees Bohemia and Moravia not only as a unity that has existed for a thousand years but as a unity which cannot and must not be broken.
Moreover, he sees clearly what are the real aims behind Henlein's proposals. Not only does Henlein aim at the disruption of the geographical, economic and even cultural unity of Bohemia-Moravia, but he also wishes to introduce into the Sudeten German districts a totalitarian system of government and administration which would be a completely alien element in the Czechoslovak State. Jaksch's scheme of personal autonomy, however, is built up on democratic lines. In the proposed administrative committees both Czechs and Germans are to be represented according to their percentage of the population (many of the Sudeten German districts include up to 40 per cent. of Czech population) ; further, the system of German self-government is to be perfectly democratic and the various political, religious and social groups are to have perfect equality. In short, no Fahrerprinzip as Henlein wishes, with all organisations totally subordinate to the " speaker " of the district, as the " Ffffirer " is to be harmlessly known. This " speaker," however, would according to Henlein's proposals soon enough deprive the self-administrative bodies of their effectiveness and force his " totalitarian " will on the population.
A final solution of Czech-German problems must, according to Jaksch, include a revision of the language law of 1920. German should become a State language, equal with Czech and Slovak, and the unhindered use of German in communi- cations with government and local authorities should be allowed in the German districts. Above all German should be declared an official language in Prague (at present Czech only is used there in inscriptions, &c.) and Jaksch believes that the Czechoslovak government could contribute to a general appeasement by declaring Prague, on the occasion of the twentieth anniversary of the foundation of the Republic, to be the capital city of all the peoples living in the State (Staatsvtilker).
How far can Jaksch count on the support of his fellow Sudeten Germans in the realisation of his plans ? There is no doubt that the number of his supporters has increased in recent weeks. He has spoken before large audiences of many thousands which, in numbers need fear no comparison with those of the SdP. (On May day he spoke in Karlsbad before an audience of 18,000.) Jaksch refuses to dissolve his party and found a larger party which would include the activist elements in the recently destroyed bourgeois parties; he is too much attached to the past and traditions of his workers' party to do this. But through his break with doctrinaire Marxism and his uncompromisingly democratic " Volkssozialismus " he has broadened the basis of his party and hopes for strong reinforcements from the ranks of the small farmers, artisans and small employers. But the chief responsibility lies with the Czechoslovak government. In the extreme right wing of the Czech Agrarians (one of the Coalition parties) there are reactionary elements who would rather collaborate with their mortal enemy Henlein than with the loyal activists, and who have so far systematically hindered the successful carrying out of the agreement of February 18th, 1937, between the Government and the Activists. Decisive action by the government on the basis of Jaksch's wise and moderate proposals before the communal elections on May 21st and 29th, can bring about a great swing-over amongst the Sudeten German population in favour of Activism.
Henlein's extreme demands, formulated at the Karlsbad congress, may be partly explained by Jaksch's growing success. Henlein was compelled to substitute for Jaksch's proposals, which are positive and realisable, radical and utopian demands in order to maintain and even increase the hysterical excitement which at the moment exists in the Sudeten German regions. The situation is not unlike that in Austria after Schuschnigg had announced his plebiscite : Henlein's success is- no longer certain because there has arisen a- new popular movement amongst the Sudeten Germans—that of Jaksch's " Volks-
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