Politics and Parties in India
THE British democracy is accused of being indifferent to its responsibilities towards India. There is this justification : Indian politics, though always interesting, are rarely simple and are now more confused than ever. The elections to the Legislatures which will shortly take place are of the greatest importance. On the work-of the legislative bodies to be reconstituted the Parliamentary Commission of 1929 will have to act ; on the record of these Assemblies it will determine whether there shall be a further advance towards responsible government, and, if so, what. But the appeal to the Indian electors is being made by a multitude of parties with few policies, and, it is difficult for those who have made a life study of Indian affairs to see the wood for the trees ; how much more, then, for a distant democracy busied with its own affairs ?
The Swaraj Party, faithful to the remnants of the Non- co-operation policy, still waves aloft the tattered banner of civil disobedience and rampant obstruction. The Independent Congress Party, remaining nominally within the Indian National Congress, has declared resolutely for the working of the Reforms ; the Respon- sivists, who preserve the political tradition of the Bombay Deccan, give a qualified adhesion. The National Party, preserving the ideals of the founders of the Congress, is resolute for constitutionalism. Outside these larger bodies communalism is rampant. The Mohammedans and the Non-Brahmins stand for the constitution, to be worked for the furtherance of their political objectives; but they are so sharply divided amongst themselves that no clear political creed emerges.
Yet amid this welter it is possible to discern a governing principle—a great reaction toward an ordered constitu- tional development. Non-co-operation was an emotion quite outside the charter of 1919 ; as an emotion it has burnt itself out ; as a political creed it has demonstrated its barrenness. None believes in it or in the logical corollary, mass civil disobedience, and least of all the nominal leader, Pandit Motilal Nehru. There is not an intelligent politician in India who is not at heart con- vinced that the interests of the land can be far better served by working the constitution for all it is worth than by sulking in his tent. With this dawn of political reason there has gone a marked decline of racialism. The animosities which marred the Non-co-operation move- ment, despite Mr. Gharidi's admonitions- to love, have disappeared ; there is little or no hostility to the Govern- ment as such, nor to Britons in themselves. The great welcome accorded to Lord Irwin during his tour in the recently disturbed Punjab and to Governors and -officials everywhere is symptomatic of this healthy change. All classes realize that the British Government in India stands for a progressive and stabilizing force which none other can now provide. There is a strong tendency to send to the Legislatures the best men, regardless of the political flags they fly. There is the further inclination to concentrate on provincial issues, which is wise, for it is in the Provinces of a huge country like India that the real administrative work is done. None can forecast with any accuracy the result of the elections, yet it does not need the valour of ignorance to assume that whatever the result the legislatures will be manned for the most part by constitutionalists, working within the Act of 1919 for the better government of India.
All this is to the good ; but those who try to take long views discern disquieting features. Great Britain must never forget that she stands committed to a definite policy—" the gradual development of self-goVerning institutions with a view to the progressive realization of responsible government in India as an integral part of the British Empire." Indian politics have to be studied not only for their effect on the governance of India, but for their reactions on the fulfilment of this pledge. If we examine the situation in this light the outlook is less encouraging. An essential to responsible government is the existence of strong disciplined political parties, capable in the final stage of assuming the duties of government. Here India is moving backwards ; parties and political leaders are multiplying, without discipline and without Cohesion. It is ground for criticism of the present system that it has not led, and is not leading, to real responsibility, either in the Central Legislature, or in the ProVinces. Communalism has grown to a degree which is a national menace. - A distinguished Indian nationalist ' recently declared that on a journey from Bengal to Lahore he found nothing but Mosleni distrust of Hindu good faith. These are the 'growing pains of democracy.
Organized parties do not, in an autocratic and caste- ridden country, spring up complete in a night. Communalism is an inevitable, if evil, phase in the transfer of authority from British to Indian hands ; minorities Will stake out claims. -The bold and liberal step taken in 1919 has this justification ; constitutionalism has won its way through the storms of Non-co-operation, the Khilafat agitation and severe financial stringency to an almost universal co-operative programme today. It has other gales to weather—the impatience of idealists, the canker of communalism ; but a-Straight course may be steered with courage and charity at the helm. The political barometer is set to fairer weather and may remain high if we keep our gaze steadfastly on the declared goal of our policy.