ITALY.

PlIOGRFS8 OF VICTOR EMILLLNUEL.

King Victor Emmanuel after his arrival at Ancona issued the follow- ing important document.

2b the People of Southern Italy.

"At a solemn moment in the national history and in the destinies of the Italian people I address myself to you, People of South Italy, who, after having in my name changed the existing state of things, send me deputa- tions composed of men of all ranks of Citizens, Magistrates, and Members of Municipal Councils, demanding to.be established in order, to be gratified with liberty, and to be united to my kingdom. I wish to declare to you what idea guides me and what my conscience tells me should be the duties of one whom Providence has placed on an Italian throne. "I came to the throne after a great national disaster. My father left me a noble example when he resigned his crown to save his own dignity and the liberty of his people. Charles-Albert fell with arms in his hand, and died in exile. His death more than ever bound up the destinies of my family with those of the Italian people who, for so many ages, have left in foreign lands the ashes of their exiles, thereby showing their title to the in- heritance of those territories which God has placed within the same bounda- ries, and united together by the same language. I have educated myself upon this model, and the memory of my father has been my guiding star.

" Between the crown and my plighted word I could not hesitate as to the choice. I strengthened liberty at a time that was but little propitious to liberty ; and in acting thus my desire was that it should strike its roots deep in the manners of the nation, because I could not for a moment doubt that it was agreeable to my people. In the liberty of Piedmont, the inheritance which the far-seeing mind of my august father had left to all the people of Italy was religiously observed. Through freedom of election, the education - of the people, great public works, free trade and commerce, I have en- deavoured to promote the prosperity of my people. Wishing to respect the Catholic religion, whilst leaving to others entire freedom of conscience, I have strengthened the civil authority, and resisted openly that obstinate and aggressive faction which sets itself up as the only friend and protector of thrones, but which, under the name of God, seeks to rule kings, and to interpose between prince and people the barrier of its own intolerant passions.

" This mode of government could not remain without effect on the rest of Italy. Concord between the prince and people in the prospect of national independence, civil and political liberty, freedom of speech, and of the press, an army which has just revived the military traditions of Italy under the tn-colour flag, have made of Piedmont the standard-bearer and the arm of Italy. The strength of my kingdom is not derived from the arts of a se- cret policy, but from the open influence of ideas and public opinion. I have thus been able to maintain in that part of Italy which is united under my sceptre, the idea of a national hegemony, out of which was to arise the har- monious concord of divided provinces united in one nation.

" Italy was put in possession of my view when it beheld me sending my troops to the Crimea by the side of the soldiers of the two great Western powers. I desired to obtain for Italy the right of taking part in all trans- actions of European interest. " In the Congress of Paris my envoys were for the firs/ time able to speak

obtimgrieds of Italy beformEurope ;amid it wasidemovistrated to all that the

preporeieseance of Austria pit wasaspjurimatet thtEuropean equilibrium sad-that the independence said libertyrf Riesimonbawould be endangered if the.resteof Italy was not freetrefrowsibespzn ipammee., -

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"‘Myagnanimous allyistlielEmperer-NapelearaII., felt that the Italian cause was worthy of the great nation over which lie rules, The new desti- nies of our nation were inaugurated by a just war. The soldiers of Italy nobly fought by the side of the invincible legions of France. The volun- teers who flocked from all the provinces of Italy beneath the banner of the Cross of Savoy proved that the whole of Italy gave me the right of speaking --' and combating in its name. Reasons of state put an end to the war, but not to its effects, which proceeded to their development through the inflexi- ble logic of facts and of nations. If I had had that ambition whieb is attributed to my family of doing nothing till the proper time arrived, I might have remained satisfied with the acquisition of Lombardy. But I shed the precious blood dray soldiers not for myself but for Italy.

" I called the Italians to arms. Some provinces of Italy changed their governments in order that they might be able to take part in that war of independence which their sovereigns ahrank from. Since the peace of Nil- lafranea these provinces have asked me to protect them from the threatened restoration of their former governments. If the facts which have taken place in Central Italy were the consequenee of the war to which we invited the people ; if the system of foreign Intervention was to be for ever aban- doned in Italy, it became my duty to recognise and to defend the right of the people there to freely and legally express their wishes. I withdrew my government ; they formed one for themselves. I withdrew my troops; they organized a regular force of their own, and by means of concord, and the display of high civil qualities, they acquired such reputation and strength that they could • only be overcome by foreign arms. 'Thanks to the good sense of the people of Central Italy, the monarchical idea was strengthened, and the monarchy moderated. in a moral sense the pacific movement of the population. Thus Italy grew great in the estimation of civilized nations, and demonstrated to Europe that the people of Italy. were qualified to govern themselves.

"By accepting the annexation, I. was aware of the European difficulties with which I should have to contend, but I could not fail in the promise which I gave to the Italians when the war was proclaimed. Let those in Europe who would accuse me of imprudence calmly reflect what would have been the consequence, what would have become of Italy, if the monarchy showed that it was incapable of satisfying the desire of national reconstruc- tion.

" With regard to the annexation, the national movement, if it has not changed in substance, has taken new forms. In accepting by popular right these noble and beautiful provinces, I ought loyally to recognize the appli- cation of that principle. It was not permitted me to measure it by the standard of my own particular affections and interests. In virtue of this principle, I have, for the good of Italy, made a sacrifice which sorely tried my heart—the resigning of two most noble provinces of my hereditary king- dom. To the princes of Italy, who wished to remain my enemies, I gave sincere advice ; determined, at the same time, if disregarded, to anticipate the danger in which their blindness would involve the throne, and to accept the will of Italy. In vain I offered to the Grand Duke of Tuscany my alli- ance before the war. To the Sovereign. Pontiff, in whom I venerate the head of the religion of my ancestors and of my people, I in vain wrote when peace was made, offering to govern 1Jmbria ana the Marches as his. Vicar. It was evident that these provinces, maintained alone by the aid of foreign mercenaries, would sooner or later have broken out into revolution if they did not obtain re n the securities of civil liberty which I proposed. I shall not call to mind the advice which was given for many years to King Ferdinand of Naples by foreign powers. The judgment which was passed in the Con- gress of Paris upon his Government naturally disposed the people to change it if the complaints of public 'opinion, and the efforts of diplomacy, con- tinued to be disregarded. I proposed an alliance with his young successor for the war of independence ; but here again I encountered hearts shut against all affection for Italy and minds blinded by passion.

" It was quite natural that the events which had taken place in Central Italy should have more or less excited the minds of the people of South Italy. In Sicily this disposition of thn,poople found vent in open revolt. The peo- ple were fighting for liberty in Sicily, when a brave warrior, devoted to Italy and to me—General Garibaldi—sprang to their assistance. They were Ita- lians ; I could not, I ought not, to restain them. The fall of the Govern- ment of Naples confirmed what my heart knew, namely, how necessary to a king is the love, and to governments is the esteem, of the people. In the Two Sicilies the new regime was inaugerated in my name. But some acts have been done which have led to the apprehension that this policy represented by my name has not been properly interpreted. All Italy has feared that under the shade of a glorious popularity, of a classic probity, there was a faction clustering which was ready to sacrifice the im- mediate triumph of the nation to the chimeras of its own ambitious fanati- cism. All the Italians have applied to:me to avert this danger. It was my duty to do so, because in the existing state of things, it would not be mode- ration, it would not be wisdom, but weakness and imprudence, if I did not assume with a firm hand the diiection of the national movement for which I am responsible before Europe.

"I have caused my soldiers to enter the Marches and Umbria in order to disperse that medley of persons of all nations and of all languages who were assembled there—a novel and strange form of foreign intervention, and the worst of all.

• " I have proclaimed the Italy of the Italians, and I never will permit Italy to become a nest for cosmopoIrte sects who might gather there to concert plans of reaction or universal demagogy. " People of South Italy, my troops are coming amongst you to consolidate order ; I am not coming to impose my -will upon you, but to ensure that yours be respected. You can manifest it freely. Providence, which pro- tects the just cause, will inspie the votes which you will cast into the urn. Whatever may be the gravity of events, I await with calmness the judg- ment of civilized Europe and that of history, beeause'I am conscious that I am fulfilling my dirties as a king and as an Italian. "In Europe, my policy perhaps will not be without its use, by recon- ciling the progress of peoples with the stability of monarchs. In Italy, 1 know that I close the era of revolutions.

"Oiven at Ancona this 9th October, 1/360.

" Vicrou Esmusurx, • "Fauna: It is assumed that the Bing will be at Naples today. He was at Lo- retto on the 10th. A vast multitude went out to meet him. His Ma- jesty first visited the Holy House, at the threshold of which he was re- ceived by the whole clergy in pontificals. The church was lighted up, and adorned with great pomp. The King left 50,000 francs for repairs to the church, and then visited the hospital of wounded soldiers, organized in the late College of Jesuits. From Loretto he proceeded to Grotto- mare, and thence to Giulianova, the port where the bride of King Frances landed on her journey from Germany to Naples. Here he was met by the Marquis of Villamarina. From Giulianova he would move to Campo

Basso, where the head quarters had been established. "It is affirmed that, -when the Piedmontese army shall be all united, it is to march on Venafro, a small town situated about twelve miles from lemma, and will cross the Volturno at the ford of Salltutio, about two miles from that place. If that operation prove successful, the Neapolitan line will be onto/rid Carla compelled to surrender."

NsoLos.

The position of Garibaldi does not appear to have been changed by his victory. Fie has hold on in front of Captia,,making his deft:naive works stronger. There had been some skirmishes and much burningof powder. The Neapolitans had begged for an armistice of indefinite length. Gal-i- !midi granted one for twenty-four hours. Itterminated on the 10th. In the meantime Piedmontese troops. have _been sent by sea to Naples, and have been moved up to Caserta, 15,000 (!) of them say one report. The fleet had been ordered to blockade Gaeta by sea, but France and Russia declared they would not recognize the blockade, and the fleet remained in Part-

,As to the political situation, it is impossible to describe it for lack of authentic information. The people will be palled on, tomorrow to vote " Yes " or " No" on this proposition-

" The people desire Italy clue and indivisible with Victor. Emmanuel as constitutional .king and his legitimate descendants." The letter of the Pro-Dictator to Mazzini, inviting him to withdraw, produced a courteous refusal, and a MinisteLal Might, described in these _telegrams- " Naples, October 12.—Having been summoned by the Dictator, the Pro- Dictator, Pallavicini, and his secretary, Carante, proceeded yesterday even- ing toCaserta. After a conference, at which Crispi and Cattanco assisted, the Pro-Dictator and his secretary tendered their resignations." "Naples (yid Marseilles). October 13.—Yesteeday,.. in. consequence of the resignations tendered by the Pro-Dictator Pallavicini and his Ministers, the National Guard went to Garibaldi and represented to him that disturbances were imminent. The Dictator ordered them to: fire on. any person shouting in favour of a republic. The patrols which were afterwards sent •through the streets were saluted with shouts of Down with Mazzini ! " Down with Crispi!' The Dictator has published a-proclamation in which, after an- nouncing the approaching arrival of Victor Emmanuel, he says—' Let us be ready. to receive the man whom Providence has sent us. There will be no more discord. "Italy Una" and "Ring Victor Emmanuel Galantuomo" may be the perpetual symbols of our regeneration.' A circular of the Min- istry, expressing the same ideas, has also been published." ` Naples, October 14.-..The Pro-Dictator and the Ministry remain in office. The decree convoking the popular assemblies in order to vote on the annexation of Naples to Piedmont still remains in force. Crispi has been dismissed from his functions."

"Naples, October 16.—The Pro-Dictator has resigned, and will leave to- night. The Ministry has also resigned. Garibaldi desires an Assembly to approve the voting ; also one for Sicily. Great agitation and discontent prevail. Strong patrols of the National Guard parade the streets ; " and later-

" Pallavicini and the Ministers remain in office.

"The reasons are—popular demonstrations, and the proximate stoical of Victor Emmanuel."

The Government of the Dictator has published in the official journal at Naples an address from the Archbishop of Trani to Victor Emmanuel, beseeching the King to hasten his arrival, and comply-with the general wishes of the country. M. Bottero, Deputy, is designated to 'fill the post of Commissary-

General Extraordinary of the King at Messina. M. Casella will go in the same capacity to Naples as adjunct to M. Parini. M. Visconti Ve- Resta also goes to Naples as Secretary of the Cabinet. Finally, it is said that the Marquis del Castillo de San Opofrio will be appointed Secretary-General of M. de Montezemolo, Royal Commissary at Pa-

The diplomatic corps at Gaeta have, at the instance of Spain, protested againet the decree relative to the family of -Agesilao Milano. All the ambassadors signed the protest. The little castle of Bake has surrendered to the troops of Garibaldi, after a resistance which did great honour to the fidelity of the com- mander. There were found in the fort 962 barrels of powder, and .115,472 oartouches, and other preparations of powder. Thant.

It is uncertain what steps Russia has taken at Turin. It is stated that she has and has not withdrawn her ambassador. From Berlin, October 17, we hear that the Russian Ambassador at Turin- has been recalled, and the Sardinian Ambassador at St. Petersburg has received his passports from Prince Gortschakoff. On- the same day, the Turin Gazette asserted that Prussia has simply made some remarks against the entry of the Sardinian troops into Naples, and that Russia has made no communication to Rgrainin The official Neue .3ftenchener Zeitung publishes a telegram, dated Turin, 15th inst., asserting that. great consternation prevailed among the members of the Cabinet, as the Ambassadors of Russia and Prussia had remitted formal protests against the Sardinian invasion of the kingdom of Naples. The Russian Ambassador (adds the telegram) signified, in. ad- dition, that., in the event of no attention being paid to his protest, he should demand his passports.

Baron Winspeare, Minister of King Francis at Turin, in answer to a notification of the invasion of Naples bythePiedmontese,hes courteously but " solemnly protested" against the military occupation of his master's country, and withdrawn.

The Petrie announces the concentration of Austrian troops on the fron- tiers, which, it says, has caused a similar concentration of Piedinontese troops. The Presse asserts that information was received on Wednesday at Turin, that 4000 Austrians from Mantua :had. crossed the Po, and taken up their quarters at Revere, which town is still under Austrian dominion. The %Nesse adds, this news has produced a sensation at

A full report of 'the groat epee& of Count Cavour at the close of the debate on the Annexatipn,l3ill has been published in this country. It is a flue oration, and an important declaration of policy. The earlier pas- sages are essentially parliamentary, and are directed to the vindication of the conduct of the Government in the form of proceeding. Then Count Cavour treated of the question between the 'Cabinet and Garibaldi. The Cabinet had concealed as long as they could the existing dissension. When they could no longer conceal it, instead of resigning et onee,—a course which would have been unwise, and which the King !could not hear of,—they resolved to appeal to the Parliament-

" We feel confident that he will rather believe the representatives of the nation than those evil ones [" tristi,"—sad ones, spoken with reat empha- sis] who endeavour to part men who have for many years worked together for the triumph of the national cause. If you grant us your vote, we still, actuated by the same spirit of conciliation which we have evinced hitherto, and animated by the generous words which were addressed to us, not only by our political friends but by those in whom we might have expected to find opponents, animated by these feelings [spoken with great warmth] we . shell meet Garibaldi; and, showing him the order of the day proposed by your Commission' 'which we accept with all our hearts, and, at the samo time, pointing to him your vote of confidence, we shall ask the General, not inleasouer.)name but in the name of Italy, to give us his hand." (Loud ap- .pThen came the turn of Rome and Venice ; and we reprint entire this striking portion of' Count Cavour's speech— Gentlemen, this is a question of the future. It is a serious matter for a Minister to have to give his opinion as to great future contin- gencies ; yet I acknowledge that a statesman, to be worthy of the name, must have certain fixed points, which may be, so to say, the bearings by which to steer his course, only choosing or changing the means to his end accord- ing to events, but always keeping in view those points which are to be-his guidance. During the last twelve years the pole-star of King Victor Em- manuel has been the principle of national independence. What will this star be with respect to Rome ? (Movement of attention.) Our star, gentle- men, will direct us to look upon the Eternal City, upon which five-and- twenty centuries have accumulated all glorious memories, as destined to become the splendid capital of our Italian kingdom. (.A storm of loud ap- plause.) This answer may not perhaps satisfy the honourable gentleman who asked what means we intend to employ to this end. I could gay 1 will answer when you beforehand tell me in what condition Italy and Europe will be six months hence; but if you do not supply me with these data— these terms of the problem—I fear that neither you nor any diplomatic mathematician may be able to find the x which you seek. (Laughter:) Nevertheless, gentlemen, if I cannot point out the special means, I shall not hesitate to indicate the great causes which are to bring us to this goal. (Movement of attention.) I said, and repeat it, that the problem of Rome is not to be solved by the sword alone. The sword is necessary, it was, and ever will be, to prevent extraneous elements meddling with the solution of this question ; but it is not the sword alone that is to cut the knot. Moral forces must aid in the solution ; and what are the moral forces upon which we CR11 and must reckon ? I know that here I trespass on the ground of philosophy and history; but as honourable gentlemen have set the ex- ample before me, I must give free utterance to the whole of my mind. I think the solution of the Roman question must arise from the conviction which will daily gain ground in modern society, even in the great Catholic society, that freedom is-highly favourable to the spread of. true religious feeling. ("Bravo .'") This truth I feel confident will soon triumph. We have seen it acknowledged by most impassioned upholders of Catholic ideas, we have seen an illustrious writer, in a lucid interval, show Europe in a book which has made a great noise that freedom had been highly con- ducive to the revival of religious spirit. Nor need we for the confirmation of this truth go far abroad for arguments. We only need look at home. I do not hesitate to affirm, gentlemen, that the free government established in those Sub-Alpine countries for the last twelve years is greatly favourable to the development of religious feeling. I think I have the right to declare that there is at the present day a more lively and sincere religion in Pied- mont than there was twelve years ago. (" True, true 1 ") The clergy may have less privileges, the monks may have diminished in number, but true religion has more control over the minds and souls of our people than at the time when, by flattering a certain hierarchy of the clergy, the hypo- critical practice of going to church led men to public offices and honours. Those among you who do not belong to this part of Italy may upon quitting this hall recognize the truth of my assertions. You may have the con- firmation from all the venerable pastors of this capital, although this diocese had not an enlightened prelate at its head, as befell to the lot of other cities, where the bishops well knew how to reeoncile the precepts of freedom with the canons of religion. (Applause) When this opinion shall generally prevail, as it soon will (since the conduct of our army, the behaviour of our high-sould Sovereign will have a tendency to confirm it), when it shall take root iu the minds of other nations, in the heart of modern societies, we feel assured that the great majority of enlightened and sincere Catholics will acknowledge that the august Pontiff who is at the head of our religion may exercise his office in a far more free and independent manner if he be guarded by the love and affection of 22,000,000 of Italians than defended by 25,000 foreign bayonets." (Applause.) Venetia. " I proceed to Venetia," he said, as the House became pro=

foundly silent. However deep our affection may be to this illustrious martyr, we must acknowledge that it would be impossible at this present

moment to declare war with Austria. Impossible, because we are not yet organized ; impossible, because Europe is against it. I know that this ar- gument will not be admitted by those orators who think little attention should be paid to the opposition of other Powers. Yet, gentlemen, I think I must discard this opinion, and observe that the disregard of the opposition of great nations has always proved fatal to sovereigns and to people. We have had instances of tremendous catastrophes arising from this want of respect to the feelings of other nations. At the opening of the present cen- tury the most famous warrior of modern times disregarded the opinions of the people of Europe, and, notwithstanding his extraordinary genius and his infinite resources, he fell after a few years' reign—fell miserably, never to rise again, under the combined efforts of Europe. In times nearer to us another Emperor, who also reckoned his soldiers by hundreds of thousands-- soldiers inferior in valour to no other soldiers—this Emperor would not listen to the remonstrance of other Powers, and thought he could at his own pleasure settle his differences with the Ottoman Power. Well, this gteat potentate had soon to repent—bitterly to repent—his little estimation of the interests and opinions of Europe. We might well fear that the same and worse might happen to us, if, trusting our right and our means only, we should pay no attention to the advice and suggestions of Europe. But, gen- tlemen, we are asked, how then will you solve the Venetian question ? In a very simple manner, by changing the opinion of Europe. But how ? The opinion of Europe will change, because the opposition we now meet exists not only in the Governments, but, we must avow it, also in a great part of the population, even liberal, of Europe. The opposition to the en- terprise of the liberation of Venice arises from two causes ; the first is the doubt Europe entertains of our ability to constitute ourselves into a strong and independent nation ,• it lies in its ignorance of the-moans of which we may dispose, in its conviction that we are unable alone to accomplish so great an undertaking. This opinion it is for us to rectify ; let us organize ourselves ; let us show that no fatal germ of discord and dissolution exists among us ; let us constitute a strong State, which may not only muster up a formidable army and a considerable navy, but which may rest on the unanimous consent of the people; then will European opinion be modified, and light will shine on those European Liberals who are perplexed and re- luctant as to the possibility of emancipating that unhappy and noble pro- vince of Italy. There dwells also in the minds of some people the notion that it is still possible to reconcile the people of that province to the Aus- trian dominion. This idea is, however, waning fast. Venetia cannot be reconciled with tho Austrian empire. No concession, no favour, no possible arrangement can induce the -Venetians to give up those aspirations which urge them towards the great Italian family. if this was true in past times, how much more true will it not be for the future ? Since the moral world, gentlemen, is subject to laws analogous to those of the physical world, at- traction is proportionate to the mass. The stronger and more compact Italy becomes, the greater, the more powerful and irresistible will be the attraction it exercises upon Venice. (Prolonged applause.) For the rest, gentlemen, this fact has been acknowledged by the Government itself of Vienna. At Villafranca, the Emperor of Austria, I doubt not, had a sincere wis,h to in- troduce into Venetia a conciliatory system, to endeavour by beneficent mea- sures to bring back morally that province to his empire. He tried it for some time, but he soon saw he was on the wrong track, and fell back on his system of repression. Nor can I blame him for it. So long as the empire must needs keep Venice, an irreaistible fatality drives it to measures of coer- cion and severity. When these truths shall have reached all minds and hearts in Europe they will, I trust, exercise a great influence. I know that I shall be told that I fall into illusions ; that diplomatists have no hearts. To begin with, I for my part, by reason of my office, cannot admit this as- sertion. (Laughter.) But were it even so, my answer would be, if diplo- matists have no hearts the people have. In this present age, in this rapid movement of all things, it is not diplomacy that settles the destinies of the people ; it is the people who set to diplomatists the task they have to ac- complish. I feel confident that when this truth no longer admits of con- tradiction, the miserable condition of Venice will awaken an immense sym- pathy not only in generous France, not only in righteous England, but also an noble Germany, whose liberal ideas yearly, daily acquire great ascen- .dancy. I think the day is not far off when the great majority of Germany will dread any complicity in the sacrifice of Venice. When this eomesjto pass, gentlemen, we shall soon arrive at the deliverance of that illustrious city. How this may be accomplished, whether by arms or negotiation, it will be for Providence alone to decide.

" Gentlemen, I have no more to add. I know not whether I may flatter myself with having removed all your doubts, and persuaded all the Mem- bers of the House of the uprightness of the Government's intentions, and of the opportunity of the policy it advises you to follow ; but I may, perhaps, not be charged with presumption if I express an ardent desire, an earnest hope, that you will give a unanimous vote in favour of this present bill. This vote will have no little weight on the councils of Europe, and, by its immense authority, it will stifle in its rise that germ of discord which has shown itself in the southern provinces, and which, if it were :allowed further development, might perhaps render impossible the greatest, the most magnanimous enterprise that a nation may accomplish. The cheering was repeated again and again as the victorious Minister eat down.

The case of the Jewish child, Mortara, has been brought under the notice of Count Cavour, who has thus written to the Secretary of the Israelitish Alliance-

" I have received the letter which vou have addressed to me in the name of the Society of the Universal Iraelftish Alliance, soliciting the aid of the King's Government in the steps which the father of the young Mortara is taking, in order to recover his child from the convent in which he is at sire- -sent retained. Persuaded of the justice of M. Mortara's demands, I have the honour to assure you, sir, that the King's Government will do all in its power that this child, in whom the public opinion of Europe is so strongly interested, may be restored to his family. Be good enough, I beg you, to acquaint the members of the Jewish Society of these intentions of the Go- vernment of the King."

Roam.

There is little news from Rome. Viterbo has been reoccupied by Papal gendarmes protected by French infantry, and many people have emigrated across the border. Advices from Perugia state that the Papal authorities had dismissed many functionaries at Viterbo. General de Lamoriciere has offered his services again to the Pope, and communicated with the exiled Sovereigns of Central Italy. According to reliable despatches from Rome, the Pope has lately re- ceived large sums of money from various quarters of Europe, and even America.

In reply to the complaint at Rome that Monsignor Antonucci, Bishop of Ancona, is a prisoner there, the authorities of the city allege that on breaking open the prison of the Inquisition certain captives lodged formal denunciations against him, for illegal and wanton imprisonment, the proofs of which were so conclusive that the law had no alternative but to prosecute him as a criminal. Major O'Reilly has left Rome again. His official report of the surren- der of Spoleto appeared in the Roman journal of the 6th. He states his garrison to have consisted of 300 Irish, 160 Swiss, 12 riflemen, 23 Franco-Belgians, and 150 Italian gendarmes and soldiers. His loss during the conflict, which lasted 12 hours, was 3 men killed and 10 wounded, whilst he estimates that of the Piedmontese at 100 killed and 300 wounded—a disparity which shows the advantage of firing from be- hind walls. Colonel Mortillet, who commands the Papal troops in and near Tivoli, came into Rome this morning for instructions. Three new forts, mounted with rifled cannon, have just been com- pleted between the Lido and Malarnacco, in order to render the entry to -the port of Venice almost impregnable. The whole Venetian littoral is being connected by a system of mines which, by means of the electric battery, will be able to blow, into the air any corps of disembarkation.— Teleaca an.