istrigu atilt tutunial.

Fivaex.—On Sunday morning, the Emperor received the members of the Legislative Body at the Tuileries, and addressed them before his de- parture for Calais.

"Messieurs mes Deputes," he said, " I wished to bid you adieu before I go away, and to thank you for the support which you have given me on all the important laws which I have presented to you during this session.

"My absence will be of short duration. I think I shall express your sentiments, by assuring the Government of her Majesty the Queen of Great Britain that you appreciate, as I do, all the advantages of the alliance with England.

"We all desire peace, but on honourable conditions, and only in such case. If we are to continue the war, I count upon your loyal support."

The Emperor and Empress, accompanied by Lord Cowley and Earl Granville left Paris at one o'clock on Sunday,. and arrived at Calais at nine the same evening. They slept at Desam's Hotel; and at half- past time on Monday morning embarked in the war-steamer Pelican for Dover.

During his stay in England, the Emperor has lost his Minister of Marine, M. Theodore Ducos; who died on Wednesday night, after a long and painful illness. He was born in 1801 at Bordeaux; and in 1834 he was elected Deputy for that city. Throughout, he reign of I,ouis Philippe he voted with the Dynastic Opposition, and for some time was looked upon as the man of business of the Tbiers party: Appointed Minister of Marine at a most critical period, and surprised at his very entrance into office by a war which required the creation and organization of immense forces, be at once comprehended the greatness of the duty imposed on him, and his energy was commensurate with it. In two years and a half he placed at the service of the country sixty ships of war, twenty-four of which were first-rates, carrying 3000 guns, and with a motive power equal to that of .23,000 horses. That colossal force forms at the present moment the greater part of the two fleets of France on active service, and whose flags have floated and will again float,in the Baltic and the Black Sea.

The second part of the French quasi-official memoir on the Eastgr# war was published in the " parti politique" JA the .Konitsar on Monday. It opens with the following preface- " After having told the country the whole truth on the plan of the cam- paign and the Eastern expedition, it remains for us to state how policy un- derstood its task, its duty, the honour of France, and the interest of Europe. For what interests were France and England to carry their military and naval forces so far from their own shores ? On what point do the different states of Europe touch upon this question of European order ? What lathe object which ought to be kept in view for the interests of all ? How are the four guarantees to be understood and accepted on either side as a basis for negotiation ? Is it just, is it useful, to limit the power of Russia in the Black Sea ? What will be the results of the Vienna Conferences, for peace, or for war ? That is what •we wish to examine in the second part of this task, that, on the eve of the decisive solution now under achievement, public opinion, completely enlightened, raay accept with equal confidence peace, if it is possible—war, if it is necessary.

The origin of the war is traced to " a small claim brought against Turkey on the ground of concessions she had granted to the Latins in the Holy Land." " Russia only wanted a pretext The Government of the Emperor of the French, by regulating that question in the most equitable manner, forced the Cabinet of St. Petersburg to unmask its real designs—the opening of the Bosphorus to her sovereignty." The forced interpretation of the treaty of Kainardji was nothing else than " the moral fall of the Sultan. The question then ceased to be a reli- gious one—it became a political one." " England, deceived at first by the pretended religious character of the question, very soon, with her clear and straightforward common sense, un- derstood its real bearing. She felt, like us, the threat and arrogance of that domination, and her band was stretched forth to meet ours, already ex- tended to seal the alliance between the two great countries who represent the civilization of the West. For France, as for England, the Eastern ques- tion represented an interest superior to that of their own ambition. Russia wished to dominate at Constantinople. It was necessary to prevent it. Russia, mistress of tilt Black Sea, having only to extend her hand to touch the Bosphorus, placed the Mediterranean under the menace of the fleets of Sebastopol. In advancing towards the Dardanelles she brought her frontiers to the shores of the Mediterranean. Wherever her vessels could reach, her preponderance was assured. From her inaccessible ports she touched all empires and all kingdoms. Not only had France and England a rival, not only did Germany bend beneath the weight of the Colossus that leant upon her, but Greece, Italy, Spain, Egypt, and all the secondary States, found themselves struck by the same blow in their security and independence. "Strange circumstance 1 Europe had shut her eyes to the immense peril of this Northern invasion. In 1828, France and England, burning the Turkish fleet at Navarino, destroyed the force which protected the West. At that period we sought an ally at St. Petersburg, instead of beholding there an adversary of our influence and civilization. In 1840, England, Prussia, and Austria, leaving the Cabinet of the Tuileries aside, again united i

themselves without suspicion: Sebastopol, closed to every nvestigation, hiding in its inaccessible port the activity of its dockyards and arsenals, ap-

peared to no one as a menace. It was forgotten that as far back as 1805 a fleet left that point with 12,000 men on board,. landed them in Italy, and brought the Russians and French in contact in the Mediterranean. Yet that was a warning worthy of record ; for it proved that Russia from the creeks of the Euxine, by the domination of the Straits, could reach to the entrance of the Adriatic.

"Some years later Russia, having to struggle against France united to

Austria, defined her invading policy much more precisely by the object she pursued and the means she employed. The plan of that policy is a reve- lation in itself." [The writer quotes from an authentic document recently published in the Memoirs of Admiral Tichakoff, a description of an " incen- diary plan " for raising the Slavonic element and Hungarian nation against Austria and France, from Berrie to the Adriatic and from the Carpathians to the Tyrol, and authorizing the use of "any means" to gain over these peo Then]

the writer is at pains to point out that Austria has an immense interest in raising a final barrier to this policy. " If the heirs of Peter the Great should ever dominate at Constantinople by the Black Sea, Austria, surrounded, embraced on all sides by the power- ful arm of Russia, would be at the mercy of an enterprise such as the daring mind of the Emperor Alexander bad conceived. Hungary, open to its ac- tion by the Danube, would be given up to all the excitements of its re- membrances. The Adriatic, exposed to the brusque attack of a Slave coali- tion, would cease to be the mart and bulwark of the Austrian empire, and the key of the Gulf of Trieste would pass by a surprise from Vienna to St. Petersburg."

Nothing, it is declared, could be more legitimate, necessary, and just, than the resistance offered by the two Western Powers in April 1854; and having arrived first at the seat of war, they confidently expected they would be followed there by Austria and Prussia. The two German Powers did not hesitate, by signing protocols, to place themselves in the solidarity of the interests for which France and England were about to fight; but while securing German interests, and preparing for action, they hesitated to ant. They were not deficient in courage ; but, uncertain of the objects of the war, they wanted confidence. Those objects it was necessary to define. At the opening of theLegielative session of 1854, the Emperor of the Freud) openly announced that " the time of conquests is irrevocably past,"—a solemn declaration that left no distrust of the in- tentions of the Governments of France and England, and enabled M. Drouyn de Lhuys and Lord Clarendon to frame that note which formu- lated the four points. But Germany would not decide. While notes and counter-notes were exchanged between Vienna, Berlin, and St. Peters- burg, war continued, and developed itself in the Crimea. "Finally, Austria asked us if we would still consent to treat upon the

bases of the four guarantees. The hesitation was long in the councils of the two Allied Powers. It appeared to them that after such glorious efforts and such sad sacrifices—after having gained two victories, at Alma and at Inkerman—when their armies were besieging Sebastopol, and when their fleets occupied the Black Sea—they had the right to exact more. But the interest of an alliance with Austria for peace as for war overruled the inspiration of those legitimate exactions. The treaty of the 2d of Decem- ber was the result of that policy. It was therefore from consideration to Austria, from the desire of an offensive and defensive alliance with her, and to give to Germany an unequivocal proof of moderation, that we accepted the overture of negotiations on the basis of the four guarantees, reserving to ourselves always the right of introducing therein any other condition that might result from the chances of war. On the part of the Allied Govern- ments, this act of moderation cost nothing to their dignity, nor to the in- terests which they defend ; for, had it been so, they never would have given their consent. In fact, there was but one of two things possible—those negotiations would succeed or would fail. If successful, Europe, by the four guarantees, obtained conditions which, four months previously, Count Neeselrode declared he could only accept after ten years of disastrous war- fare; if a failure, Austria, whose alliance became an offensive one, entered into armed action, and the weight of her Sword would soon obtain by war what her influence could not effect in the Conferences. Thus, in either case, it was well to negotiate at Vienna, while continuing all the same to fight in the Crimea."

The larger part of the remainder of the paper treats of the four points, but mainly of the third ; and presents the scope of all in a compact and definite shape. "As regards the conditions of peace, nothing can be more just, more mode- rate, more conformable to the rights and interests of Europe. It will be easy for us to establish this by characterizing clearly the thought which dictated them and the object which they were to achieve. The first of the four conditions, in putting an end to the protectorate of Russia in the Prin- cipalities of Moldavia, Wallachia, and Service, and in placing their privileges under the collective guarantee of the Great Powers, takes away from the Cabinet of St. Petersburg the rights which it pretended to hold from ancient treaties, and which were only the means for subjugating those populations, for dominating Turkey, for approaching Austria on her meet vulnerable aide, and for troubling the whole of Europe; the second by stipulating the free navigation of the Danube, liberates the commerce of all nations—especially of Austria—from the moral and material obstacles which impede it, and throws open the mouths of that great river to the states of which it is the fortune and the defence. The fourth, in delivering Turkey from the pre- tensions of Russia to a religious protectorate over the Greek subjects of the Sultan, nevertheless assures more than ever freedom of conscience at the same time that it destroys the supremacy which the Czars arrogated to themselves, the political object of which, the better to impose, was concealed under a religious mask. " As regards the third of those conditions—that which has for object to limit the preponderance of Russia in the Black Sea—we have reserved it expressly as the most important and most contested, so as to explain it here, categorically. First of all, how must it be understood ? Evidently, any- thing equivocal on so grave a point cannot suit any one. The Allied Go- vernments, who have a consciousuess of the justice of their pretensions, have not feared defining them. Russia has turned the Black Sea into a Russian lake; she has gradually founded maritime establishments there of the first class; she has accumulated there, with as much perseverance as mystery, considerable naval forces; and it may be said that by that exclusive domi- nation of the Black Sea she has placed Constantinople in a permanent state of siege. This state of things is not possible, because it is incompatible not only with the integrity of the Ottoman Empire but with the security of the whole of Europe.

" France and England, in demanding Russia to limit her power in the Black Sea, or to neutralize that sea, are therefore completely in their right. If that result was not obtained by peace or by war, such a peace would be ephemeral and such a war useless. And, let it be well observed, this de- mand for the limitation of Russian power, or for the neutralization of the Black Sea, does not respond only to Anglo-French interests; it responds also to the interests of AuStria, for which the Danube, a commercial and military river, is a magnificent highway, open to her activity towards the Euxine and Asia. An argument is brought against this pretension which we do not think serious. It is said to the Allied Powers, You ask a concession from Russia, which at moat might be the price of the surrender of Sebastopol, and that place is still held by the Russian army.' Our reply is this—The law of nations grants that a portion of what is obtained by war may be kept by peace. We have not yet taken Sebastopol, that is true ; but what is Sebas- topol at the present moment to Russia ? It is no longer a naval port, as her fleet, sunk at the mouth of the harbour, or shut up behind that 'usurpers- able barrier, is withdrawn from the struggle. The Black Sea is the battle- field which we have won—or, if they like it, which has been abandoned to us by the enemy. The Russian flag could not show itself there. Our ships and those of England and Turkey navigate it in every sense. Its donna' a- tion has changed hands. It has gone from Sebastopol to Constantinople. " Who compels us to give up this pledge ? Is not such a situation the very best we could have ? And not only do we occupy the Black Sea, but we besiege Sebastopol, we are fortified at Kamiesch and at Balaklava, Omar Pasha is intrenehed at Eupatoria, Odessa is menaced by our fleets. What can Russia do ? Could she suffer for any length of time without detriment to her moral strength, and without ruin to her commerce, the blockade Which will abut her up in every part of the Black Sea and in the Baltic ? Could she live in that paralysis which in her strikes the vital principle of nations—U*1s, to say, movement, action, the right of exporting and exchanging her produce, and which would condemn her to isolation, sterility, impotency, in the immen- sity of her empire ? To ask Russia to limit her naval forces, or to neutral- ize the Black Sea—that is to say, to exclude therefrom all vessels of war of any nation whatsoever, is therefore to exact from her much less than what we have acquired by war, and which we could maintain without an effort. In fact, what does it require to prevent Russia from ever entering the Black Sea again ? Four men-of-war of each of the maritime Powers, France, England, and Turkey. Such a cruising squadron would suffice to occupy the Black Sea, and to transplant its domination from the shores of the Crimea to the entrance of the Bosphorus. What Russia has lost, what she cannot re- cover by war, no matter how long, is her preponderance over the East. What she may legitimately ask is a share of influence in the affairs of the world. She would find, if needs be, a coalition of all states to restrain her ambition; but no one wishes to humiliate her. What is asked from her Europe has the right, and it is its duty, to exact. If she grants it, the peace of the world is assured, the object of the Allied Powers attained ; if she refuses, war will continue, and decide it."

Respecting the Vienna Conference, the Moniteur remarks that the country must confidently await the result of that " decisive trial." If peace be concluded, it will be honourable to France and England, and will secure their influence; if war continue, it will be for "the object proposed by the Allied Governments, and from which nothing can turn them aside."

" But," continues the Moniteur in bringing this paper to a close, " a great- result is acquired already from the very fact of these negotiations. France and England have loyally negotiated with Austria to allow her policy to exhaust the last resources of conciliation. Those conferences of which Vienna is the centre are the loyal and honest act of the Emperor Francis Joseph. But the Allied Powers know that if Austria does notsucceed in this noble effort of her European patriotism, she will fight resolutely with them. In limiting their demand to the very conditions accepted by the Vienna Cabinet in the treaty of the 2d of December, they have gained to the common cause an important and de- voted ally. The possibility of peace, like the necessity of war, must hence- forth be only a fact in common to the three Powers who signed that treaty. The solidarity of their interests and of their engagements would unite them in the struggle as it has united them in the conferences, and that grand European confederation will soon have triumphed over every resistance. France and England may therefore congratulate themselves on having con- sented to negotiate while continuing to fight. In acting thus, they have not only given a proof of moderation—they have increased their strength. Their adhesion to an honourable and possible peace, having as consequence the support of Austria in a necessary and legitimate war, is an act counselled by wisdom, and which will be approved by public opinion."

THE CRIMEA.—The long-expected bombardment of Sebastopol recom- menced, as the telegraph informs us, on the 9th instant. Through the

same medium we have two authentic despatches; and the Globe of Tuas, day published an official-looking paragraph on the subject. The de- spatches follow. "Paris, Tuesday, April 17, eight a.m.—The Moniteur contains a de- spatch in which General Canrobert announces, under date of the 10th of April, that the fire of all the French and English batteries was opened on the 9th against Sebastopol. During the first day the fire of the besiegers was superior to that of the besieged, and the general impression in the Allied armies was most favourable." "Berlin, Tuesday, April 17.—The following despateh has been received here from St. Petersburg, dated the 16th of April—' Prince Gortschakoff an- nounces from Sebastopol, that at five o'clock on the morning of the 8th the enemy opened a cannonade from all their batteries, which lasted till even- ing. The bombardment was carried on during the night. On the 10th the enemy repeated the same operation. We replied with success, causing sen- sible losses to the enemy. On our side we have 833 killed and wounded.' "

The statement in the Globe of Tuesday, described as "authentic," ii as follows-

" The fire of the French and English batteries opened on Sebastopol on the 9th. On the 10th both French and English regarded the progress of the bombardment as favourable ; but nothing decisive had occurred to warrant a conclusion as to the immediate issue. The French left batteries had made a breach in the indented wall, and the two fronts of the last battery were much injured.

One of the works of the counter-approach near the careening harbour had been silenced. The English artillery were equally satisfied with the result of their fire when the account left on the 10th."

Other reports of less seeming authenticity have been published. The Vienna Gazette of Thursday contained a despatch dated " Crimea, April

14," which announced that " During the night of the 13th the left attack of the Allies obtained considerable advantage over the Russians. The Russians were twice dislodged from a strongly-fortified position, which remained in the hands of the French. The possession of this position enabled the Allies to fortify the summit of the mountain glens ; which is of great importance."

The Daily News of yesterday printed a paragraph from its Paris corre- spondent, dated yesterday morning, stating that General Canrobert wrote

on the 14th that "the superiority of the artillery of the Allies was be- coming more and more certain. Our troops are now masters of many strong positions on the enemy's left. We are approaching the place sensibly."

The intelligence from Eupatoria comes down to the 4th instant, and is of great interest. On the 2d, a French steamer arrived there with despatches for Omar Pasha ; and the result was that a large force was ordered to hold itself 1p readiness to embark. Omar Pasha issued an Srder of the day expressing a hype that they would do honour to the Ottoman adny, as the eves of Europe will be tined upon them, and that the Marshal himself will be among them and share with them weal_ and wo. This order of the day was received by the troops with nalusiasm. several French war-steamers arrived iti the bay on the 4th ; but the high sea prevented the embarkation of the troops. Accounts from more than one quarter, however, state that letters from Kamiesch, dated the 9th, report that 8000 Turkish troops had arrived 'close to Sebastopol, and that 12,000 more were expected, under the orders of Omar Pasha.

In the mean time, Eupatoria has been strengthened by new works en- closing a larger circuit ; and the Russian videttes have been driven back over the bridge across the creek of Lake Sasik by the Bashi-bazouks. These gentry seem good irregular troops. On the 28th March they made a reconnaissance with signal success and signal ferocity. They fairly surprised the Cossack outposts and drove them in; but out of about 400 engaged on either side, the Bashi-bazouks only lost one man and two horses, the Cossacks two men and three horses killed and one wounded. The Bashi-bazouks behaved with characteristic ferocity to the only officer who fell into their hands. But the surprise was admirably managed, and the enemy was fairly defeated.

The regular accounts from the camp come down to the 7th instant. In ordinary times they would be read with the greatest interest; but, written before the bombardment began, their detail of preparations is overshadowed by the news of thlit event What they really show is, that both French and English approaches bad been carried nearer and nearer to the Russian lines; that a death-dealing fire had been kept up on the Mamelon, so efficient that human limbs were seen from our works rising with the dust and debris following the explosion of our shells; that the French had gone so close to the rifle-pits near the Mamelon as to find field-guns effective in replying to the same arm used by their opponents; that the troops were in the highest spirits and health ; that huge cargoes of shot and ammunition of all kinds were daily carried up to the front ; that provision-depOta have been established ; and that the transport-ser- vice and the railroad under Colonel Mlfurdo are working most satisfac- torily. There had been a conflict in the trenches, brought about by the meeting of two adverse working parties in front of the right attack ; which shows the fatal proximity of the rival armies. Assailed by a very superior force, the English managed nevertheless to defeat their oppo- nents, but with a loss to themselves of one officer—Lieutenant " Inker- " Jones of the Seventh, and 37 killed and wounded. The enemy's leas is computed at 150. M. St. Laurent, commanding the French En- gineers on the right attack, and Captain Bainbridge, Royal Engineers, have been killed, the former by a rifle, the latter by a shell.

Brief despatches from Lord Raglan to Lord Panmure, dated respect- ively the 3d and the 7th instant, and enclosing reports from Dr. Hall, and the usual returns of casualties, were published in last night's Gazette. They confirm the accounts in the correspondence of the journals. Dr. Hall reports a marked improvement in the health of the troops. Hospi- tal preparations for a " sudden emergency" had been made both in the camp and by the sea transport service, for 2080 men.

" Battalions and considerable convoys," Lord Raglan writes on the 7th, " have entered the town, and other bodies of troops have been seen to leave the North side. The garrison has been constantly engaged in adding to the works, and particularly in connecting the rifle-pits in the immediate front of our right attack ; and, as we have pushed forward, the fire upon our ad- vance has occasioned more loss, I deeply regret to say, than we have sus- tained since the sortie of the 23d March."

The casualties from the 30th March to the 5th April, inclusive, were 13 killed and 60 wounded. Among the killed, was Captain Baiubridge, of whom Lord Raglan speaks highly : among the wounded, Captain L. I. A. Armit, Royal Engineers, severely ; Lieutenant L. J. F. Jones, of the Seventh Foot, slightly ; and Captain H. E. Bale, of the Thirty-fourth Foot, severely. The strength of our army is now variously estimated at from 22,000 to 30,000; but in these matters nothing but official returns can be relied on. The average sick, per week, sent down to Scutari had diminished to 250.

Of seven Russian Admirals, says the Times correspondent, who were in command at Sebastopol " no less than five have died or been killed since the siege began. The Admirals were Korniloff, Nachimoffi Stan- kovitch, Istomine, Merlin, l'amffioffi and Novoailsky. Of these, Korni- loff, Istomine, and Metlin have been killed ; Pamfiloff and Nachimoff have died of camp diseases. Stankovitch, who is Governor of Sebas- topol, and who commands the batteries, is represented as a man of energy and ability : he is young and active. Novosilsky is also young, not only as an admiral but as a man : he has just been "made' on account of his services."

Guam/a.m.—The intelligence from Vienna has been throughout the week extremely obscure and unsatisfactory. Reports have been widely spread, and half-entertained in many quarters, that Austria would break

or had broken off from the alliance, notwithstanding the confident as—. surances given in the article on the negotiations in the Moniteur. It is impossible for us to say with confidence what is precisely the state of things at Vienna ; but we give the rumours as we find them, quoting the telegraphic messages from the Times.

" Vienna, Tuesday, nine a. m.—The Russian despatches, containing Prince- Gortschakoft's instructions, arrived on Sunday evening. The tenth con- ference will be held today. There is no chance of Russia yielding. Notwith-. standing the article in the Moniteur, Austria is not likely to take the field against Russia." Vienna, Wednesday Morning.—The conference yesterday lasted four- hours and a half. After the Russian plenipotentiaries had left, the repro-- sentatives of the Allied Powers conferred together for enother hour. Russia, declines to accept the conditions of the Allies on the third point, and makes counter-propositions. It is certain that things are not progressing: favourably."

" Vienna, Thursday, ten a. m.—There is great reason to fear that the- Western Powers are inclined to make concessions, in order, if possible, to secure the cooperation of Austria." It is also stated by the Daily News, that "Austria, holding fast to the two first of the guarantee points, will not fight to diminish the power of Russia in the Black Sea. The Russian proposition is, that the Elaine be reconstituted a closed sea, the Czar and the Sultan maintaining an equal number of ships therein. The Russian counter-proposition sot, having been definitively rejected at the last conference, Russia has, elite& upon the Allies the onus of a decision for peace or war. TeliegraPhie: messages are passing rapidly between London and Paris said Vienna.. Austria urges ti Allies to

be content With len than their previously re-. e dueed demands."

ITALY.—The plain of Marengo has again become historic. On the 14th-

April, the King of Sardinia reviewed a portion of the troops forming the Crimean contingent ; and the chaplain of the division blessed the colours with which they are intrusted. After the troops had defiled before the. King, the Minister of War read to them the following speech in the name of his Majesty. " Officers, Sub-officers, and Soldiers—A war, founded on justice, on which depends the tranquillity of Europe and the fate of our country, Galls you to: the East. You will see far lands, where the cross of Savoy is not unknown. You will see brave peoples and armies whose fame fills the world. Their ex- ample will be a stimulus to you to show to all that you have no less vacate than our fathers.

"On other occasions I have led you on the field of honour, and I remem7 ber with pride sharing dangers and fatigues with you. I now grieve to se- parate myself from you for a time. My wishes will follow you everywhere,' and it will be a happy day for me when I shall be reunited to you. "Soldiers, there are your colours. Generously unfurled by the magnani--

mous Carlo Alberto, tfiey record a distant country and eight centuries of noble traditions. 'You know how to defend them. Bring them back crowned with fresh glory, and your sacrifices will be blessed by the present, and future generations.' These sentiments elicited rounds of cheering. In the evening the King entertained the officers of the contingent, in the palace of Alexandria. Tim Blair-ie.—The latest news from the fleet states, that "after taking- in coals, the Imperieuse and Euryalus left Kiel harbour on the 15th.. Two men-of-war passed Copenhagen on the 14th, steering Southwards,' Four ships of the line are lying at anchor there."