THE WEAKNESS OF PARTIES. T HE value of party organization as
a scheme for conducting free government is still, perhaps, a disputed point. Whether men should arrange themselves on the merits of every measure, or remain always arranged behind certain leaders, is a question men are sure to decide according to their compara- tive love for independence or discipline. Nobody, however, that we ever heard of, has argued in favour of government by parties coherent but always weak, and that is the present aspect of Parliamentary affairs. Each of the great divisions is a little too weak to move. Counted head by head, the Tories and their allies have, probably, if not a majority, at least, a force competent to throw out the Government, or to sustain a new one in an appeal to the country. They have, too, as a body, a strong bias against the course they believe the Go- vernment is pursuing, and some few but distinct ideas of the road on which they would rather move. Yet they are almost powerless, or powerful only to lock the wheels of the coach. They menace, and talk, and consult, but as to action, they " wait reinforcements." Their organization on points is excel- lent, so good that they have doctored the registers into par- - tizanship, and are winning at every turn new and contested seats. They even seat their own men for the closest Government boroughs, and Mr. Ferrand was received in the House with as much enthusiasm as if he had been in himself a working majority. No Tory club divides its efforts, no Tory constituency is ever suffered to doubt as to the candi- date it ought to return. Eldest sons are used, instead of being petted, and boroughs are found for all the new men who may perchance make a mark. Daily the Tory muster creeps up to the figure which ought to signify victory, and yet the army grows no stronger, the chiefs are just as reluc- tant to set the battle array. The army is an American one, numerically strong, and full of individual courage, but unable to advance with rapidity, or stand still with safety, or retreat without utter destruction. There is no discipline, none of the fanaticism which so often supplies its place, and no confidence of any working kind between the leaders and led. The party does not obey the watchword. It does not act upon impulse, for though it would rather, perhaps, follow its own ideas, it has no real hatred of the ideas of the enemy. Above all it will not respond to the mere behests of its chiefs. How can it ? There is nothing really in common between the true Tories; the men who distrust advance, " acred and consoled up to their chins," and the daring mem- ber for Bucks. He is not a Liberal, certainly, and pro- bably not a Radical, but then he is least of all a Tory. His party never know where to have him, and watch his erratic movements with a suspicions annoyance which is sometimes almost comical. They never know that he may not be lead- ing them deeper than they intend, or hiding a covert scheme under some plausible motion, or throwing over his men to make his acumen more conspicuous. Last session he would have formed a direct alliance with Radicals, but for the dis- gust expressed by powerful partizans. He used Mr. Walpole to carry a vote of confidence, while Mr. Walpole thought he was only urging an administrative reform. And only on Tues- day night he flung overMr. Fitzgerald, simply in order to make a very telling retort. Mr. Fitzgerald attacked the Cabinet cleverly enough for their neglect of commercial interests, asking why, as the French Treaty succeeded, they had not made a great many more. As Mr. Forster followed to show precisely where Government had neglected its work, the blow told somewhat heavily, when up stood Mr. Disraeli to laugh his own lieutenant to scorn. Commercial treaties were in- consistent with the inexorable logic of free trade. " It is not," he said, " for you to find fault with a Government, because it cannot accomplish those results by diplomatic arrangement which you expected from the sacrifices you made for the sake of unrestricted competition." It was a beautiful hit at the Government, which, no doubt, has benefited England in a . very illogical way ; but then it completely smashed his own side, and gave up that policy of a moderate adherence to free trade which the Tories are, as a party, inclined to support. What is to be done with a man who will neither adhere to his party's ideas, nor simply express his own, nor allow his fol- lowers to express party ideas for him ? He cannot be followed, for Torygentlemen are not condottieri. He cannot be removed, for they might not win if deprived of their gallant free lance. So the party struggles on, shirking all serious encounter, abstaining from all serious effort, and expending money in re- inforcements which, when secured, are not employed, and men in skirmishes which, even when won, do not affect the issue.
The Liberals are almost as weak. They have in internal affairs for the moment no scheme of action whatever, except to. defend Lord Palmerston on account of his foreign policy,: which Tories approve as completely, if not as cordially, as themselves. Their chief confines himself to abstaining from offering points of attack. They haie therefore no interest in the game, except when a test vote is near, and feel besides- that if they found one, they might only heal the disputes. which prevent the enemy's charge. They have postpened the idea Of Reform, and can rouse no fight on free trade, have no enemy to contend with on foreign affairs, and do not affect to care much for administrative or judicial advance. In other matters a kind of carelessness, produced chiefly by Tory- weakness, has taken possession of their minds. They fulfil their pledges on Wednesdays, but even ecclesiastical measures. scarcely excite them to action, and the fifty reforms really wanted in this department of life obtain only an approving decree of indefinite postponement. Like the hands of some men who do no work, they are still strong but flabby, and advance and recede as if either were an annoying waste of power. They know they must be beaten if they break up for action, and prefer, on the whole, an anxious chaotic quiet.. The consequences of this state of affairs are, on the whole, disastrous. The Cabinet, though unable to move, still feels. itself safe from attack, and performs the work of the hour is a desultory shiftless way. It is a garrison all in undress. Lord Russell makes a blunder in Brazil, and is almost tee* indifferent to manufacture a telling defence. Sir George Grey lets crime go on almost without appearing to hear the public cry for protection. Mr. Layard can hardly be bored_ to explain why new trades have not. been opened bytreaties, easily framed ; and Lord Granville calmly remarks that as to forthcoming measures—why, the Cabinet intends most seriously to put down all bad smells. Lord Palmerston does not care to explain why Mr. Elliot told all the Greeks that they had obtained a king when the crown had never been taken,. and Mr. F. Peel thinks himself hardly used.' because he can- not sell Epping Forest without a metropolitan fuss. Even, Mr. Gladstone lets his big cat out of the bag so far,, that he is obliged to reduce a duty before his budget is ready ; and Lord Granville seemed inclined to swear because asked to deal with endowed schools. Not that Ministers, or their followers, are enjoying an unaccustomed repose. The lassi- tude does not proceed from sleep or anything else enjoyable,. but simply from weary feebleness, which yet is not fatigue. On the other side, the Tories, aware that they cannot punish,. aro disposed to let things drift, mutter about extravagance, and highhanded foreign policy, and reckless interference .in China, but bear them all, rather than risk the annoyance in, volved in a contest. Nobody attacks in earnest, and so nobody defends, or acts as if he thought he should ever be called upon defence. The lassitude of Parliamentary feeling is creeping into executive action, and all that is not delayed is carelessly performed. There is an aspect of weakness in all things, a look like that of a convalescent hospital, and while it lasts- nothing will be attempted beyond a criticism offered by critics who, all the while, want no change.
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