O'CONNELL TO THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND.

LETTER I. London, 17111 May MS Let the situation of Ireland be understood. It is said that there is an i's los he. tweet that roantry and t hi-. I deur it—I totally deny it. There is, to be sure. a UsillN --a parchment UNION ; lait for any practical pia post., or for any put p,se meld t1I either cotton. then. is NO ITN fox at alt.

" The Union:" 'mill the celebrated Curran, " will be just this and no more—a tell

partieipation of British burdens and taxat • , U it hoot any adequate share of British nmitchises or advantages." II is was a piophetie spirit ; the fact is just as he stated it vn (odd Is.. We share your battles DWI your 111111101R. Ina It e are jealously, and indeed insith i ugly. excluded nom your franchises and advantages I therefore repmt. there is NO UNION. Thal of parchment is a eol,web, whiell we will hurrah through the moment we are convinced I hat we cannot obtain justice from you, if suell a moment shall, as now appears probable. arrive. Our cry is. A RE IL UN zox. or NO UNION—NO UNION. Or a REAL UNION. I candidly and at once admit that my own opinion is. that the Cation, in its most favitirable shape, must necessarily be highly iluttrious to Ireland. I rt., not think it is of any :val advantage to England; but that it is detrimental to die Irish People I have Ind one /41:11111W of doubt.

I am old enough to remember the cruelty, the tyranny, and, above all, the over- whelming corrupt ion and bribery, by which that measure vn as brought about; and it may he prejudice, but I am at least candid in mime cmmmmies 510E1 that Illy own conviction is. that. for the prosperity or Ireland, a 'mai legi,lature—whirtlier dependent or indepen- dent, I stop not floe to canvass—is essentially and necessarily requisite. Accordingly, I have beet the active anti unequivocal advocate for a Repeal of the ex- isting Union. The Pcople (A Ireland have already roused themselves, with an una- nimity unequalled, alai with a determination never surpassed, to demand that repeal. Impressed smith these convictions. and impelled faster than my own judgment did warrant by the strong sentiment that pervaded the Irish mind, I brought the subject before Pari meat. Whigs, 'fork,. Reformers, and Radicals of Great Britain joined against me: I was defeated by assertion and by numbers. There was a plentiful lack of al gement to sustain the!, mintier, but prejudice supplied the place ot reasoning; and I was signally de- feated by an enormous majority. The num w Ito formed that majority felt that the truth of the evils inflicted upon Ire- land by the Union was all :It my sole ; they could not vindicate the past. bitt. as is usual in such cases, they were full of promise for the future. Nay, these promisel. were not the mere assertions of individuals of any rank or party, but were converted into solemn pledges. The !louse or Continuos unanimously-11pr we Repeaters did not interrupt that too nimity—the House of COMMODS unanimously pledged themselves to redress all the real irrmml practical grievances or Ireland. 'flue [loose of Lords—mark this. Englishmen !—with equal unanimity. made the same pledge. Ireland was to be governed as if she were part and parcel of England there was to be no difference betweeti them : the ideutity of the people of both islands was to be complete in franchises. in rights, in liberty, in prosperity. 'Eltere was still more Houses of Parliament conferred. 'f bey, without a. dis- sentient voice, concurred in an address to the Throne, embodying those sentiments, pro- claiming them to the King. anti calling upon him to be the witness and the sanction of the solemn obligation Dins iuctuved—TO no JUSTiCE TO IRELAND. TIMIS was a species of new charter teotiertsi to the People of Ireland—King, Lords. and Commons, coneurriog iii one solemn 'pledge. I stand upon t his pledge. I d, mend, in the name of the Irish People I insist, upon its fulfilment. 'Elie Irish nation has a right to require and demand it ; and in the name of t hat nation, or at least of more than seven millions of that nation, I insist upon its fulfilment. Upon the promulgation of that pledge, we paused. We have ceased to agRalteAct question of Repeal. we have accepted the promise, and converted it. by our aecep am into a contract. We have sought redress for Ireland only by and through Parliament —only by and through the People of England. We are still satisfied to look fur rudreen Wouldb three means alone ; but elitist we take this course, let us uot Ite confouuded With injectable ntendicauts. who. having nu morrows within themselves. seek by sup- plication and abject entreat y to olden. that from the bounty of 'Ahem which thy are saatile, in any RAW, to seize and pejo!, for themselvea.

We are more than seven miIIiuu mid seven millions never yet kuew and asserted their rights without success.

The Iltinse of Con e* tinu has. slowly anti eautiously.eommenced the effort to redeem its pledge and perform its contract a it h the Irish People.We do not complain or tha n

t Caal:W. lior ee el m ta

earrel ech o it h that slownts. W'e meke ample allowance for the situation in ahich the Ministry nre placed. and the dinicult it by which they are surreun led. We are not onrea ottable. 'wither are we diaconteuted ith the con. duet of the Ministry or or the Hoes, or Commons.•lint %het shall I say of the Rio Ise of Lords? 1 a ill speak my mind 'reely. The Linde have scandalously. insualingly-1 will add. beentree it is true—basely violated their pl age and broken their contract. People of England. we appeal to tIt : IS the Union to be real? Is if to be the union of a brut herlimel—of frerdum and inuriperity : or is it to IV, ES the Lords declare, a vile bond bei meet' master and slave? Peupte ot England. r appeal to you ; and I, on the part of the Irish nation, lay be- fore y ou as short a sketch as 1 can of the case of !relit utl. AL er thirty-tive years of the parchment Ursine, the state of Ireltind is this : Upon a population ol eight toil li.tts there are existing more than Iwo millions three hundred theirs:Ind actual beggars. lit log on alms, sapient ed by charity. Yes, tater thirty-five years of that Uniuu, altos,- promoters declawd. and prucleimed, and satire, in the race of heaven. that it %timid be it source at perennial prosperity to Ireland— atter thirty. five years of that Unit'. there are upon it pepulatioti or eight millions. no less than two iiiil lioti three Iniudred thousand 4* g.fitt s, —more. much nue,. liati one fourth uf the eutire people begears. l'es. alter thirty-live years union with the richest COnlitry in the world, more than une.lburth of the isquilatiou of I rebind are actual beggars! I know that 1 shall be met a ith the taunt that there are no Poor-laws in Ireland. and that I have, until now. opposed Poor.laws. Why so I have ; because it has not bees show', to me. and cautut be shown to Inc. that Pour-tiers cau increase the lion Reny. the capital, or tile fund for the payment or u as of any contitry. And now I adopt tare Peer Mee. hut na on actual lime fit. for they a ill be none. but as a nritigation of the horrible et its or the Union in its present nom. Six y ears ego I poleished to the bunted proprietors of Ireland. that they must abdicate the rights or property to give a temporary whet, in the nnape of Pour laws. to the people ol Irelaull, or repeal the Uuion. and permit a dom.-Nue Legislature. treele mut fairly chosen, to abolish the caused uldelt have produced the helione anomaly of a country the most fertile mut producive ef all the uecessaries of life %t ill' the must wretched and poorest population

in the world.

But that .which poorlaws cannot effect, Jt•STICE may easily attain. We have been promintal justice—we art- entitled to justice; justice is the only experiment that has not hake' to two, tried toner& Ireland. We are entitled to have this experiment made; aud we itisiA mein its being made.

Havilig placed the first fact betbre vou. namely, that more than one-fourth of the people u. Ireland are in a state or tieslitntion and beggary I come to the next. It is the ingratitude which has lwen hitherto exhibited towards the Itelortners of Ireland.

We joined you in sour battle fur Reform. Our numbers not only swelled. Ina actu- ally constituted, the majorities in 1 uur lavour. England obtained a considerable in- stalment of reform. Iler Ira trellises mere augmented, mid the number or her voters couniderably increased. Scotland obtained a still larger portion of reform, and from a mere nominal and piper frauchise, She obtaitted a suuud, a valualile, mud a numerous constituency.

helmet—Ireland alonw—was defrauded and cheated and insulted by the Reform Bill e itch staple), retire to us, rather than conceded. That " calamity ' or his party and country, that " curse "ut Ireland. defeated all my effurts to loot:ore at that time justice fur irelatill ; and gave us. instead of a just and generous :worm, a jejune. re- strieted, confused, and ineffectual Itelurni II ill. Of this I never will cease to complain until it be remedied. The Ministry. in the last awl in the present sessions. have endeavoured to mitigate some or the defects of

Irish Reform; but the I louse of Lords last y ear, brutal sculling. ticketed the at tempt ; and here they are, ready in the present year. under the ignuhle leadership uf Lott Lyndhurst, to MIRA the same injury a second time upon Ireland. It is quite true that these are eilainities awl crimes of a Melt I have already corn planted. and %%Welt do not euustit me the leading object of my present address; but I could nut avoid once again placing before the attention of the littlish public the miseries of I rel iii.t, and the iniquity practised against her even in the name or lit-form.

1 slow come to the priticipal (eject of•this address. It is to rouse British attentiou to the state of Municipal Corporations to I relatul, and to the hose outrage offered to that country by a majority of the those of Linals. I a ish to know whether the Bli- tish Peeple are ready to submit in main and without remonstrance to the irresponsible, and therefore despotic, authurity of that assembly ; or will they now join with me to make the Utsion real, by insisting. in a voice too distinct to be inimmterstood, ■IOdi too loud to be neglected. upun nit organie chruge in that iissembly. such as bas Weenie an- solutely necessary for the consolidation of a real uuiuu betheeu both countries, mai for the advancement of good government in cacti?

See w hat the real state of the question is. In Scotland, the corporations had become close mompolier ; the rights oh all were usurped by a few, aud peculation and every abuse were sectirol by the total absence of responsibility or publicity.

In England. the corporations were not such strict moutmolies; but they were equally corrupt, mad perhaps more actively mischievous. Iii Ireland, the corporations happily blend all the evils of both systems. They are close and exclusive an the Scotch, monopolizing and corrupt as the English, but they add the hideous leature of religious animosity awl exclusiveness. They poison at the source, awl render partial the administration of the laws. attic!' is fancifully called in

that country the adminidration ju,tice. They are hotbeds of per tattoo, fraud, and bigotry. ['justice autl perjury are their hinelmaids. The Scotch corporations had some defenders in the Bowies of Parliament. The English corparations hatl more than one advocate to soften down the general character of monopoly anti corruption. But the Irish corporations could not hind one single person in eitlwr House uf Parliament sufficiently audacious to utter even one word in mitigation of the universal sentence of coudeumatiou pronounced upon them by all that is eine and gout! in both countries.

If there were a wal union between the two countries, what would have been the cousegaeuce of such a state of things ? Why. that the I.e.-WI:awe should have pro- ceeded iu the first instance to remedy the greatest evil. and to rerorm the Irish corpo- ratious. The English and Scotch could then have been easily, and would have been expeditiously regulated.

But what ili1Sbren done? Recollect that we are in a state of anion, forsooth. This has the Union proanced.

1st. The Scuich corporations have been reformed to n very considerable extent, and the people of the Scottish towns have been, us was just, let into the adminiatration of their own affairs.

2dly. The English corporations have been partially, and to a substantially good effect, though nut sufliciently, reformed, and the people have been in a considerable degree let into the management of their own affairs. 3dIS. The Lords have utterly refused to reform the Irish corporations. They admit that those corporations are too vicious to be allotted any longer to exist; but then they turn round upou the People of Irelautt, and they offer us this base, this atrocious in- sult: they state that we are unlit and unworthy to manage our own affairs. They insolently degrade us beneath the People of Sem land and of England, aud they laugh to scorn the just iudignatiou that boils in our blood, and almost bursts iuto action at this gross, this unmerited, this tyrannical insult. But let me restrain my natural and ju" st abomination of tide outrage; let me calmly and coolly remind the People of Eng- laud, that the Scotch have reformed corporations; the English have reformed corpora- tions: mill the Irish are denied reformed corporations I Isaias TUE UNIoN ? I ask every honest Euglialiman if this were the state of the facts.—If the ncutch had obtained Municipal Reform, if Ireland had also obtained a similar reform. and if Municipal Reform a as not only refused to England, but that the Lords told the People of England, insolently and antlaciottaly told the People or Eug• laud, that they were unworthy and unfit to ruanage their own local ;Aura ; if that

were so, what would be the auawer ? by. the answer your ancestors gave to Charles the First and to James the Second—a revolution.

Englishmen ! despise not us in Irelanil if we are not prepared to follow the xample you art as. But be convinced that we is ill not tamely submit, neither still we ammiesce at all in this insulting wrong. Our course is obvious. 1st, We will have Lunt Ls tullaurst's bill kicked out. No compromise, no submission the Lords have commenced the collision, they have taken the.r choice to rest that col- lision upou the insulting iniquity of refusing Corporate Iterorni to Ireland. We Duly follow in their track by throw ittg out the hill, and join issue with them to the country. 2dly. We appeal to the People or England for aid and ass stance: we are mat tiled to that aid and assistance lit the name of the People of Ireland I call upon you fur that mid and usistanee. Chilly; I will appeal to the People of Ireland; they are accustomed to my cry of peace. able all hat ion- " Ileretlitary bondsmen. know you not

Who %Mild he free, thermelt es must strike Hie ?

The agitation must awl will be reorganized. We cannot, and we will hot eruhmit to tlweNerralde ty r iii uy and insulting ilijilstice or the Lords air Met! With; et icy effort to obtaiu the eemplete refinm or that assembly. Ireland must have militates] corpura- tions. as Eugland and Scotland have, or the noose of Lords mast be reformed. or the, To these points I maul to direct the attention of the British People. The reform of the Lords is i he ONE Ein.IT I CA I. is 1..CM.bh I T Y. You cannot hope to extend the right of suffrage. Why—Because the Lents would reject the tneasute. Therefore, reform this Lon's! You cannot hope to shorten the duration of' Parliament. Why ?—Because the Lord* would reject the loll. Therefore, re:orm the Louis I You cannot hope fur the protection or the Ballot. Why ?-11ecause the Lords would extinguish the bill. Thererui e. rerorm the Lords ! You teamed see jest ice 41 uuou t u Ireland, or our corporal ions reformed. Why ? Ile- ca nee the lands have, with au insulting mockery, disfigured aud degraded the bill. 'I h refore. I bay, reform the Lords ?

The Lords ill-treat England, despise Scotland, insult Ireland. Therefore, reform the ords

It is idle to expect. you cannot expect to ameliorate your institutions, to leesen your bookie:, to correct your eSpeitSire awl ebsiad judicial establishments, to thijustice to thus I -i.sem ere, to reform tile temporalities or the C Much_ or to touselidale the Union On the Motel and firm inods or mutual and reciprocal rights and liberties, until you have first relinmed the House of Lords.

Let me' be understood. 1 do not seek to abolish the Peerage. I do not requite to

take away the I reatagative of meal it Peers from the Crown. I du not desire to press the organic cliahge beyond the OCI1131 tieCessity of the ease. Let the !louse of Lords remain; but let no lord he it legislator unless he he also a Bepresentatite Peer. In other %souls, let the reformed House of Lords consist of 120 Peers. elected hy I20 dis- tricts of as "wally Neel population as possible, into which the UNITED Ktsouosi could be easily divided. I have bad occasion to remark. that in point of principle, or even of name. there le not any novelty in my proposition. There are at present Scotch Preis and Scotch Itepresentatice Peers. rhere at present Irish Peers and I riah Representative 1.1•I there also be English Peers and English Representative Peers. There is cuuihui lie. helped. this difference in lite principle or election. The electors would be different. hilt the eligible wild be the same. I may the English Peoph: to ubserve that 1 am in the exact performance of the pledge I have given—namely. to try to the last the experiment whether Irel.m11 can be well governed by the United Parliament. It is in the observance of that pledge that I call tor you, assistance to reform the !louse oh Lords. That noose, in its present state, IS the meat obstacle to the good goverun.ent or Ireland ; in fact it is, in its present state, aim inrincitte obstacle to such goverunteut.

I tiers any man to deny this fact. that Ille enemies of Ireland have a majorit y, a de-

cided En:shady, in the House of Lords ; it maim lay not to be influenced by argument.. There is Lord Witichilsea. me aell-meaning man : so much the %terse. lwea est!, the founders of the Inquisition were probably well-nwaiiing persons ; but their handiwork nuts not one bit the bees bad on that account. l'he Duke or Newcastle is another leader of the anti Irish ;forty ; poor man I well-meauing ! be it so, but as impervious to logic as a dour-post. Lord Londonderry, anether leader—not a well-meaning man, nor an ill-nwaning man—but a man or no meaning at all. The commander-in.chief of the party is I.onl Lyndhurst fie upon it, oh fie I I could endure indignity to my country twrliaps hem almost any other person ; but cowl itg from sod, hands as these—tie upon it I oh fie! The materials of the majority in the Lords against Ireland could not %tell be worse than they are ; but of what importance is that ? They are all-powerlid for mischief- impoteut of good. The same majority diminishes or disfigures every measure useful to England ; they destroy every thing useful to Ireland. To this then should every well-wisher to Ireland tumid. To the reform of the house of Lords the attention of every real au I sincere Reformer should now be turned. There may be sortie calling themselves Rerormers, but alto are 'furies in their hut-arts: and there may be others who desientally play the part of Tories : and both these classes may seek. therefore, to turn the attention of the friends or freedom to other topics from the une thing necessary—the reform of the House of Lords. There are men who either cannot see or will not see that the present object of the leaders of the majority in the Lords is to supersede the Commons in their right to cord ml the appointment of the Ministry. The question narrows itself to the single 'mint whether or not the re- form oh the House of Commons into be useless for every pmetical plirpose? It is. in- deed. quite' clear that such relorm is an useless mockery, if the Lords, mho before the Reform, Bill governed the nation by awl through their nominees in tlie House of Commons. shall now govern the nation directly and by their own personal alld irre- sponsible power.

It is well to bring the question forward in its distinct and intellieible shape. The

Reform Bill was intended to take front the Lords the power of control and direction of public affairs exercised by them, by their nominees being a great majority of the Members of the llouse of Commons. The Belorm Bill intended to tninsfer that power from the Peers to the People by their Representatives. But the Lords sty no, we must

still be the dominant power ; aud to wmk they go; decidedly and indecently using that power to destroy every useful and valuable measure.

This is despotism ; passive in appearance, active in reality,—no abuse shall be cor- rected. no improvements made, because the Lords will the contrary. 'rids species of tyranny is. perhaps, the very suorst. It is a many.headed mounter. One t pant may be shamed into moderation by the universal voice of the People; but the name of this tyrant is " Legion ;" atul the members of the Legion keep one another in counte- nance. 'Flit-re is but one remedy: break up "Thus Legion"—reform the House of Lords Till that is done. British liberty is but a mockery and a name. Irish oppression and misrule are immoveable; anti we Irish have but this alternative left —REFORM of the LORDS, or REPEAL Or this UNION. I have the honour tu be your faithful servant, DANIZL O'CONNELL*