TOPICS OF THE DAY.
THE MINISTRY.
To judge by the bubbles on the surface, there would seem to be some ferment in the Cabinet. One of the signs is the very pre- valent rumour that there is a " split!' This has prevailed so long, and is repeated with such growing confidence, as to excite the suspicion that "there may be something in it." Corroborat- ing symptoms occur far and wide. In Ireland, the O'Connells speak of the Whig Government as if it were divided into two parts; one favourable to Q0 Ireland "—that is, to Mr. O'Connell and his kindred expectants—the other adverse. At times this has been construed to have reference to some peculiarity in Lord Besborough's position; at other times it seems to imply a more important division. In London we see journals at once support- ing and assailing the Whig Ministers, so as to indicate the wish to advance the views of a section in the Cabinet, especially in matters of foreign policy. The Tory enemies of Sir Robert Peel evince a constant and an augmenting dread lest he should determine to return to power : there can be no cause for the in- crease of such an apprehension except an idea that the Whig tenure of office is more uncertain than it was; and as no public event that has occurred should necessarily make it so, the fear would seem to reflect an internal commotion. The fear, again, is reflected in the corresponding hope entertained by the Peel section of the Conservative party, that their leader will regain the allegiance of his old supporters, and resume office as before. Voice is given to this idea by a pamphlet which has obtained much notice among " Parliament House politicians" at Edin- burgh.* The supposition, as it is generally put to conciliate the wrecks of the genuine old Tory party, we regard as a political mistake : that part of the present Opposition can have no voca- tion in any future course of policy likely to be adopted by the late Premier ; and we presume that affairs must develop them- selves further before he would entertain the idea of returning to office. But such manifestations as the Edinburgh pamphlet are symptoms of the general sense of unsettlement. One journal? the leading organ of the Protectionists, positively asserts the existence of a division which menaces the existence of Lord John Russell's Ministry. According to that journal, Lord Palmerston is violently at issue with Lord Grey ; Lord Clarendon sides against the Viscount on foreign politics ; and the dissension has extended to many questions of domestic policy. This looks like a mere revival of old reports, current when the Ministry was formed ; but it shows at least that the belief in Whig stability is passing away.
The facts it is impossible to ascertain, so close do the Whigs keep their counsel. That reserve, and the discrepant, oscillating advocacy of the Ministerial newspapers, are the most remarkable i
features in the aspect of affairs. If there were a " split " in the Cabinet, it would be most likely, just now, to be attended by such circumstances as those which we have described, especially the secrecy and the conflict of opinion among the writers of the party. But the same circumstances would also attend the total absence of a .plan or definite scheme of policy in the Government. If the Ministers had no purpose in view—had settled upon no course, there would be nothing to communicate to the journals—no aim to impart, no common drift to suggest ; and they would be all at sea without compass or landmark : they would exhibit precisely that wavering and random oppugnancy which they do now.
To limit the regard to one important section of affairs, the state
of Ireland is remarkable. Great and laudable activity is shown in providing present measures for the emergency. Some steps are taken to tame wilder spirits by the ordinary. official attrac- tions, and to conciliate the influences of agitation in favour of the Whig Government. But as to the most essential measure of all, some plan for permanent) y improving the state of the Irish people, not a syllable is breathed. On the contrary, the Premier speaks as if such a task were altogether within the province of the Irish landlords. It may be that the reason of this remarkable silence as to positive measures lies in the fact that Ministers have some scheme in petto—some bold, comprehensive, and masterly project; but that they are reserving it in order to mature it thoroughly and to promulgate it at the fittest time. Or the reason may be, that the Whig Ministers have no measure, no determined view, no intention, no power of bringing their councils to a practical con- clusion. On the former supposition, all will be well, and the Whigs will achieve a degree of credit never yet earned by any party. In the latter case, the time will arrive when temporary expedients will cease to avail ; Irish affairs will come to a dead lock of inextricable confusion ; and the Whigs will stand con- fessed as incompetent to the duties of government.
In the former case, the Whigs would command the support of all influential parties in the state. In the latter, they will be set 'aside without ceremony, and the public will look around for other help. Everybody knows to what man. It it not very likely that any " Protectionist Cabinet,"prejudged incapable, would be suffered to waste precious time in futile experiments at reviving Tory methods of government ; or if routine demanded such an intervention, such experiments would perforce be brief and transitory—hurried over today, forgotten tomorrow. But there is one man to whom all parties concur in ascribing a peculiar
• "A Letter to the Conservatives: with a Postscript on the recent Article hi the Quarterly Review. By a Conservative of Edinburgh." Published by Fraser and Co. aptitude for dealing with emergencies,—the result alike of his coolness, his boldness, and his tact in discovering the point at which public opinion is prepared to settle. The addresses to him from all parts of the country display that feeling. The blind unintelligent cry in Ireland, for Peel instead of Russell, is the reflex of it. The Edinburgh pamphlet is another sign. The very language used by his adversaries in the press is a still more pregnant symptom. The bitterest Protectionists keep up an incessant call for him to "retire,"—as if he had not retired, as if he were in fact the foremost among statesmen. The leading Protectionist journal confesses that his return to power would be satisfactory not only to Man- chester but to "Liverpool and Limehouse "—to the manufactur- ing, commercial, and colonial interests—to all, in short, but the remnant of the old protected agricultural interest. Ministers have decided against an autumnal session of Perlin, ment ; and in that, we dare say, they were judicious. They maintain strict reserve as to their future intentions on great branches of policy; and in that also they may prove to have been wise. But on the opening of Parliament, the country will await with eager interest to learn how the statesmen in office have proved the recess—what measures they have prepared to carry on; in England, what is now to be the rate of progress in national legislation, to which the public has been accustomed of late years ; what are the plans for the settlement of Ireland; what for extend- ing England's peaceful influences abroad? The issue will depend. upon Ministers themselves : it might almost be said that their programme the Speech from the Throne or the Minister's first address, will constitute the declaration whether they shall conti- nue to maintain their tenure by active service, strengthened, as it will be, by hearty alliance and support, or passively cede their place to a more vigorous and ever-present rival
Previous page
