ifortign an eolontal.

Fitawcu.—General Cavaignma yielding to the Parliamentary pressure, has modified his Cebinet. The Moniteur of Saturday announced the re- tirement of Messiesirs Senard, Recur% and Vaulabelle, from the Ministries of the Interior, Pnblic Works, and Public Instruction and Worship; and the succession of Messieurs Dufaure, Vivian, and Freslon, to their places.

From a sketch of the three new men, by the Paris correspondent of the Morning Chronicle, it will be seen how far the Ministry has gone in a Moderate direction. The writer considers the additional members merely transition men, who are to prepare the public for further reaction.

"Of the new Ministers, two have already had a good deal of official experience, and the third has the character of being a man of considerable talent. They are all three members of the bar. M. Dufaure was at the head of the Bordeaux bar, when, in 1834, he was elected as Deputy for Salutes. In the Mole Administra- tion he was Minister of Public Works. After the fall of that Ministry, he op- posed the Government of M. Thiers, and warmly supported that of M. Guizot till 1843, when he separated from it, but without joining the regular Opposition. From that period till the fall of the Monarchy, he was the head of a small but influential party in the Chamber of Deputies, which sometimes opposed, sometimes supported the Guizot Cabinet, and which, from its ambiguous position, did much to weaken that Government. M. Vivian, after being Procuxeur-General at Amiens, became Minister of Public Worship in the Thiers Cabinet. He con- tinued in the Opposition from the fall of that Ministry till 1844, when he accepted office under M. °inset, as Vice-President of the Council of State; and even after accepting that office, he occasionally voted against the Government of the day. M. Vivien was lately appointed by General Cavaignac as representative of the Republic in the conferences to which the Franco-English mediation in the affairs of Italy are to give rise; and he was merely waiting for the decision of the parties interested in the question as to the place where the conferences shall take place, when he was induced to accept the higher but less certain place of Cabinet Minis ter. M. Freslon was an eminent advocate at Angers, till the revolution of Febru- ary made him Fromm:Ir.-General of the Republic in that place, and he is now suddenly raised to the rank of Cabinet Minister. He is an able speaker, and has made a very reputable figure since his election as Member of the Assembly. He is the youngest member of the Ministry, and is in the fortieth year of his age." M Duconx, the Prefect of Police, has resigned. His note is personally characteristic, and also indicative of the feeling of his party, the extreme Left-

" Citizen President—You have just constituted a Ministry which, in my eyes, is the personification of the counter-revolation. The Republic is about to be directed, after eight months of existence, by the men who have at all times em- ployed their intelligence and their efforts to prevent its existence. This policy is perhaps able, but I do not comprehend it, and I still less approve of it.

In presence of the dangers which threaten liberty. in France while it is tri- umphing in Germany, I go to resume my place among the adversaries of Royalty; whom I shall combat, under whatever disguise. All the soldiers of Democracy ought to be at their posts, and mine is no longer where my political sympathies have ceased to be.

"Please to give me a successor. Saint et fmtemit4.

"The Prefect of Police, Ducons." The request of a successor has been complied with promptly: the ap- pointment has been given to M. Gervais de Caen. His good fortune has already provoked these criticisms— "it will be recollected that this M. Gervais de Caen was the unfortunate can- didate for Paris at the recent elections; who notwithstanding an official announce- ment in the .11foniteur that he had the fun sympathies of the Government, was left at the very bottom of the poll. The extraordinary amount of favour shown to this gentleman is easily explained: he was a co-labourer with M. Marrast in the Tribune newspaper, and his fellow prisoner in the prison of St. Pelagie during a six-months residence in that place for a libel on the Government."

In the National Assembly, on Monday, the new Ministry asked a grant of secret service money, as a mode of demanding a vote of unconditional confidence. The new Minister of the Interior also had an opportunity of putting forth a declaration of policy.

M. Dnfaure spoke of the Republican government as "a noble institution, resting on the principle of the sovereignty of the people, and on liberty, equality, and fra- ternity, proclaimed eighteen centuries ago by Christian revelation." Never- theless, e regretted to say that the very name of the Republic inspired fear and distrust, in consequence of the recollections of another period—the apprehensions of a return to a system which was now out of the question. These apprehensions, sincere and fatal, constituted the weakness of the present Government. The new Ministers would, by every means, combat those apprehensions, and endeavour to demonstrate to the people that the Republic is not an agitated state of society and revolution en permanence. They would labour to seat it on the solid basis of liberty, society, family, and property.. The country no longer thought of Mo- narchy; but it knew that, without the fulfilment of those conditions, no govern- ment could endure. The Cabinet would strive to put a period to all disorders, and to realize principles so wisely proclaimed, which insure inviolability to the humblest citizen under the protecting segis of the Republic. The future des- tinies of Europe depend on the restoration of order and tranquillity in France. The cause of liberty and civilization is also at stake. The Ministers would en- deavour to realize those objects; their acts should ever tend to that end, and they should be constantly animated by a profound love of the Republic.

M. Landrin stated that his former votes had been votes of personal con- fidence in the President of the Council, rather than votes of political con- formity with the Ministry. But the President had now shifted his ground, and gone for support to a fraction of the Assembly which had not co- operated in the foundation of the Republic. He must henceforth withhold his support from a Ministry which had as yet done nothing to deserve it.

General Cavaignac commented with force on these observations— "The honourable Representative has said, that for the last three months his votes in support of the Cabinet had been votes of confidence rather than votes of opinion and sympathy. I was not before aware that such was the fact; and now let me say to him, and to those who have been acting like him, that it was the repeated occurrence of votes deficient in such clearness of motive that induced the "Iihnisters at length to give in their resignation sooner than support an equivocal position." He explained the motives which actuated him in modifying the Mi- nistry. In ordinary times, whoever should attempt to govern without having a majority of the country about him, would do a foolish act. But in June last the time was not an ordinary one. The country was then struck to the earth, and the great point was to raise it up. To effect that object, it became imperatively necessary to make temporary inroads upon the great principle of liberty itself; and in so serious and delicate a task, no men could have acted better than those Ministers by whom he was sustained. The Administration then formed was never considered to be the final Government of the Republic, not even by those who constituted it. The great question was to form a Ministry, and such a Ministry as, supported by the majority, would be able to hold on until the definitive constitution of the Government. "I do not think it necessary," said General Cavaignac, "to speak of myself personally. The people I consider to be the real sovereign in the mat- ter. The people are my judge; but I must add, that I do not call them my master. Yes," said the General turning towards the Left, "I do hold that I ought not, at a moment when I may be about to withdraw from power, use expressions de- signed to flatter the people and to wear the air of electoral canvassing. (Loud cheers.) After some months of an Administration often attacked, the uncertain votes of the Assembly ended in weakening the Government in the eyes of the country. Then came on the question of election of the President of the Republic, by the Assembly or by universal suffrage. If the majority had been in favour of the nomination by the Assembly, I should have abstained, lest my vote should have had a certain arithmetical value; but as the majority was certain, I voted with the minority; and I did so that the country might know my ideas on the subject, and not suppose that I wished to deceive it as to my opinion. It is not that I feel it to be a pleasure to find myself, like Cato, in the camp of the van- quished. I remain there when I am there; but I cannot forget that liberty gains nothing in having its last defenders doomed to the fate of Cato at Utica. The Ministry having become weakened, as I said, and although I differed with it on the subject of the election of the President of the Republic, I yet thought that it ought not to resign. Still the members persisted, when the votes on the press took place; and I was of course obliged to form a Cabinet. As for myself; the moment the Ministry was dissolved, I saw that my duty was to seek amongst the majority for the elements of a strong determined Government. The objec- tions against the new combination are of a personal character. The word ` con- ciliation ' had often been mentioned at this tribune, and I could not consent to let slip the opportunity of effecting an act of conciliation when that opportunity was afforded by the necessity of forming a Ministry. That conciliation has been effected. (Cries of" Yes!" and "No! ") Yes, it is a decided at of concilia- tion, whatever may be the result; and I consider it an honour to have undertaken it. (Loud cheers.) Those who oppose this act are not in my opinion in the true path. I think they are sacrificing their own reputation in the eyes of the country. I believe they are doing poor service to the Republic." (Great sensation. The speaker sat down, dft-ede successful.) On the invitation of M. Portalis, M. Senard rose and went into explana- tions of the circumstances under which he had retired from General Cavaig- nac's Ministry—

M. Senard and his colleagues found themselves in a minority on the question of the mode in which the President should be elected. The Council met and deli- berated on a resignation. The ides of the retirement of all was at once abandon- ed, because of the embarrassed situation in which it would place the Assembly;

but a modification was deemed indispensable. With a view, however, to leave General Cavaignac an entire liberty of action, Ministers resolved on tendering a collective resignation, on Thursday morning. Since that, he had remained a stranger to all that took place. M. Senard, in conclusion, declared that he would give his support to the new Ministers, if they realized the confidence he placed in them.

M. Dupont da Bussac reminded the Assembly, that General Cavaignac had once warmly defended the election of the President by universal suf- frage: what had changed his opinions?

General Cavaignac frankly acknowledged the change of opinion—

He had certainly, when asked his opinioe, given it for universal suffrage; but he had not then discussed the question—he had not considered himself competent to decide such an important point. His opinion on the subject had since been modified; and his sincerity was such that when he voted with the minority he perfectly knew that the immense majority of the House was opposed to it.

General Bedeau "gave his most entire adhesion to the new Ministry "; because the country was accustomed to honour in them a long-tried po- litical probity, and they appeared to him intimately in accord with the actual and real interests of the country.

M. Dufanre closed the debate with some additional but not very import- ant explanations.

On a division, the vote asked by Ministers was carried, by 570 to 155.

In the discussion, last week, on the project of a paper circulation based on credit, suggested in various forms, by Messrs. Tura, Proudhon, and Wo- lowski, M. Thiers delivered a speech which increased his influence with the Assembly, though the excitement of the Ministerial crisis has excluded it from the discussion of the journals. He supported what in this country would be considered the sound currency views.

The ifoniteur publishes a letter from the late Prefect of Police, K Ducoux, to the members of the Municipal Committee of Paris, recom- mending the establishment of a "bourse des travailleurs," where un- occupied workmen may always find shelter, and where employers may meet with men of every occupation ready to work. In addition, coursen of instruction in history, geography, arithmetic, geometry, designing, natural philosophy, and several of the branches of education required for the higher order of workmen's occupations, are to be regularly given. The plan goes still farther- " As at the Bourse," says the letter, "the markets, and the halles, the prices of the rente, of shares, of corn, of flour, and of cattle, are quoted, so at the cen- tral establishment for unemployed workmen, wages, materials of every kind, whether wrought or raw, are to be regularly quoted, so that the daily alterations can be known to all. IIIIVALUX are to be established, where workmen of every kind are to be engaged by the day, or for job-work. Already various associations of workmen, informed of this plan, have generously offered to cooperate in the establishment of what they call their place of refuge."

The letter then declares, that of all the localities at the disposal of the city of Paris, the Halle an.x Veaux appears the most suitable, first from its extent, and next from its central position. A sum of 300,000 francs is estimated to be about the expense; and that amount is formally demanded by the letter from the Committee to which it is addressed.

The people who invaded the Chamber on the 15th of May last are to be brought up fortrial early in November. The excitement attendant on these trials would be so great in 'Paris, that IL Marie, the Minister of Justice, has advised that Barbee, Blanqui, Raspail, &c., shall be tried at Bourges; to which General Cavaignac has assented.

AUSTRIA.—We left Vienna, on the 8th instant, in a state of suspense; the Emperor flown, the troops withdrawn from the city, the Ministers and Diet acting as a Provisional Government. On the 9th, the alarm rather increased, and preparations were made against an attack, by placing can- non in the exposed approaches. Some few persons who strayed towards the quarter occupied by the soldiers were killed, apparently without the knowledge of Count Auersperg, the Imperial commandant. At night the fires in his camp were extinguished; which created the fear of an im- mediate assault. The town was illuminated, the streets were still barri- caded, and the night was passed in strict watch. Many persons had left the city, to be out of the way of danger, or to avoid being shut in if the town were regularly besieged. The 10th presented no marked change: it is described by the Austrian Lloyd's Gazette of the following day- " The bygone night was decidedly the most anxious one Vienna has witnessed since the bombardment by Napoleon in 1809. Till dawn the streets swarmed with armed men scattered in groups, and now and then a patrol. At the corners of the streets, in the public squares, before the cafés, crowds were assembled dis- cussing the events. The silence of the night was interrupted at intervals by re- ports of fire-arms especially in the direction of the Wieden and the high road, (Auersperg's quarters,) which attracted universal attention. On and behind the barricades men were sleeping in blouses, fully armed; women and girls, not of the most respectable appearance, were mingled amongst them, some laughing and talking, others, like the men, asleep. upon heaps of stones. The walls and bas- tions of the city offered a most animated appearance. One line of watehfires stretched as far as the eye could reach, each surrounded by students in Calabre- sian cloaks, men in blouses, artisans with their sleeves tucked up to their elbows, National Guards, and others. Above the gates guns are pointed to sweep the ap- proaches of the city; artillerymen, students, or workmen, on duty near them with lighted matches. .Patrols of every description' parade the walls in regular beats. There could not have been under 10,000 men on the bastions."

The Diet had called out the Landsturm, and, resolved to supply arms from the arsenal to every male person able to use them. Despatches were sent to Gratz, Braun, and Freeburg, with deputations to invoke sym- pathy and aid. Gratz sent armed students, Brunn armed National Guards, and Freeburg made ready to send 15,000 Hungarian troops up the river by steamers.

Auersperg remained stationary. His military position was strong for defence, but not for attack. His 20,000 men were cooped up between the Schwarzenburg garden and the districts of the Belvedere, and surrounded by hostile fanbourgs. .„ The Diet assumed a position as " constitutional " as possible: on the 8th, it resolved thus-

" The Diet is' conformably to the Imperial manifesto of the 6th June, and to the free election of the people, ,e the only legal and constitutional organ of the union between the Constitutional Monarch and the Sovereign People, for the defence of

the inviolable liberty of the people and of the hereditary throne. . "The Diet will remain with firmness on constitutional ground, to defend by legal and constitutional measures the country, the liberty of the people, and the hereditary throne. The Diet invites all its members who are absent, either with or without leave, to return to their post within a fortnight at the furthest."

At the daily sittings, M. Schuselka, as reporter of the Committee of Safety, gave an account of events passing without the walls. On the 9th, the Ban Jellachich had arrived at Brack, on the Leytha, at the head of some 30,000, with the object of forming a camp at Frautmansdorf. The Hungarian (Magyar) force, 70,000 strong, was at Wieselberg. A courier had been sent to the Emperor to demand that the Ban should be stayed in his march. Meanwhile, the Diet had received assurances of adhesion from various places and public bodies —from the new Common Council of Vienna, de- siring permission to maintain the troops; from the students of Gratz; from the peasantry of Lower Austria, Marchfeld, and the neighbouring wine- country.

Several letters had been written to Count Auersperg concerning the re- -ported approach of the Ban, (which was exciting the people to a dangerous point,) and requiring the Count to bring his troops into barracks in the

• city, and assist in supporting the authority of the Constituent Diet. Count Auersperg replied, that he could act only under the instructions of the Minister of War: the orders of the late Minister did not allow him to enter Vienna; but he would obey a new Minister of War so soon as any should be duly appointed. He demanded provisions for his troops. He denied any intention to join his force with the Ban's, and even denied that the Ban was advancing.

Her Prato now returned from a mission to the Ban; whom he found at Schwadorf, with an army of irregulars. The Ban was courteous, but he refused to receive orders from the Diet, or to indicate his intentions.

A deputation from Prague came to learn the nature of events, and to demand their Members back. They were assured that their Members were safe to remain or go as they chose; and were conjured to forget nationali- ties, and act with the Constitutional Diet. Brunn sent a deputation with offers of sympathy and aid. On the 10th, Schuselka announced that the Ban had approached nearer, told that messengers had again been sent to him. In the evening, it was announced that he had sent a written answer to the messages of the Diet- " The motives of his advance were his dirties as a servant of the state, and a soldier. As a servant of the state, it was his duty to put down anarchy; as a soldier, the noise of the guns had pointed out his route. His object was to uphold the Monarchy on a basis of equal national rights for all races. The troops were to be billeted. No Hungarian troops were pursuing him: on Austrian ground he recognized none but Austrian troops; if attacked, he should repulse force by force." The 11th was passed in negotiations. The troops of the Ban arrived close to the city, and occupied the Wiener Berg. On the 12th, Sehuselka reported that Commandant Auersperg had abandoned his strong position. "Last evening," said the Minister, "he wrote a letter stating that a Hun- garian army had advanced, and that it was possible that here might be the field of battle of the Hungaro-Croatian question. From the position assumed by Vienna, he could not join with the Ban; and he now turned to the Diet and the Ministry to obtain their instructions. He could not, however, reenter the barracks until the disarmament of the proletariat. An answer had already been given to him, that the proposed disarmament could not take place, and that the only means of arranging matters was the retirement of the Ban. Auersperg, as chief in command, was supreme over the Imperial troops in Austria; and as the Ban had said that his were Imperial troops, he had thereby placed himself under the orders of Auers- perg, who had given the strictest injunctions to him to retire. The com- mandant sent today a letter to the following effect— "'I receive every hour fresh proofs of the evil disposition of the Viennese popu- lation. The provisionment has been interrupted. As I will make use of no force with respect to the city and authorities, I have abandoned my position. I propose to take cantonments with my troops by Enzersdorf, and remove that far from the city; and I beg that necessaries will be furnished for the troops. I have farther to request that they may be allowed to have their effects which they left behind. I have left General ISlattau.scheck in his position in the Invalidenhans; and I

place him under the protection of the Diet. AITERSPERG.' " In the evening, it was stated that the Croatian army had abandoned the Wiener Berg, and commenced a retreat towards Agram: the outposts were already at Neustadt. All the accounts concur in stating that the Hungarian army has ad- vanced to Roth-Neusiedl, the same place where Jellachich received and replied to the deputies from the Diet. Their videttes were visible from the steeples of Vienna some six miles off. Deputies from the Hungarian army had gone to &mit Auersperg, escorted by the National Guard of Vienna, to ask him if he supported the Croatians or not, or if they were to consider him as an enemy.

Advices from Prague of the 11th instant, in the Kaaische Zeitung, state that Windischgriitz had been appointed Commander-in-chief of the army to be marched on Vienna; that ninety pieces of artillery had been sent to the capital from Budweis; and that there was a firm resolution to act with all energy and severity.

The exact route and present retreat of the Emperor are not clearly known. He seems to have gone Westward to Sieghart Kirchen, as if making for Prague; but to have crossed the Danube somewhere about 'Kreems, and thence Northwards. He proceeds slowly, from illness, and from the caution of his guards: it is stated that he meets cold greetings, and even opposition. The inhabitants of Stein wanted to hinder his further progress by pulling down a bridge, but were prevented from doing so by the National Guards of KIROMS.

Couriers were despatched after him by the Diet, to beseech his return. On the 8th, an address to him was proposed in that body.

"Not a word has reached us in a constitutional form," said the address, "to quiet our apprehensions concerning the object and duration of your absence, which are inevitably connected with such a step. In this serious conjuncture, the Diet resolved to issue an appeal to the,people of Austria, as also a memorandum to your Imperial Majesty, which place the state of affairs in its true light, and which is meant to convey to the constitutional Emperor that the love of his people for him remains unshaken." But confidence demanded that the Emperor should immediately return, and courageously oppose all reactionary and anarchical views, and loyally work out the unperfected constitution • and that he should select to aid him in these tasks counsellors enjoying the Last of an honest and liberty- losing people.

The address had scarcely been read, adopted, and ordered to be pub- lished in the different languages, when M. Hornbostl rose, and in a voice -trembling with emotion, announced that he had just received a note from the Emperor, as follows- " My dear Hombostl—I request you to join me at my camp (Hof-lager), to countersign all the necessary acts. IERDINAND. " Sieghartskirchen, 8th October."

"You see, gentlemen," added Hornbostl, "that it is not the intention of the Emperor to leave constitutional ground : I shall start at once." Hornbostl overtook the Emperor at Hadersdorf ; and presented a regal- :Salon from the Diet, that the Ban Jellachich should be placed under its orders. The Emperor refused the requisition, and Hornbostl tendered his resignation. The Emperor persisted in refusing the Diet's wish, but would not allow his Ministers to resign. The Diet received a note from Horn- bostl on the 11th, stating that he was about to accompany the Emperor to Olmiitz next day. It was resolved to appoint a deputation of members from each of the pro- vinces, to go and set before the Emperor, personally, the state of the city

and the position of the monarchy. The deputation was appointed, and Borrosch was desired to write an address. Subsequently, Borrosch read his proposed address, to this effect—

The Diet desired to support the throne of freedom. It warned the Emperor against a fatal delay; begged him to give heed, as he did at Inspruck. It must not be laid that his Majesty had sacrificed a thousand innocent for the life of one,

and torn the monarchy asunder by causing a civil war, b7 which blood would flow in streams. The Diet would, like Curtius, cast itself into the abyss in order to avert such an evil. Should the sacrifice take place, their remembrance would indelibly live, and remain an accusation against those who had been guilty of it by their evil counsels. A sanguinary military rule could last but a short time: it would be inglorious, and sow the seeds of incalculable evil.

The address was adopted.

The Emperor was " expected " at Olmiitz on the 14th. On his journey, he had issued the following proclamation-

" To the People of my German Hereditary Provinces—When I left Schiinbrun, I sent a manifesto to Vienna for countersignature and publication, in which I expressed my utmost indignation and sorrow on account of the deplorable and fearful events which occurred through the bold pretensions of a small but active faction hostile to all liberty, although I had resolved to return without any other guarantee except the love of the inhabitants. At the same time, I explained the principal object of my journey,—namely, to gain a standing-point in the monar- chy more appropriate at this moment, from which I should be able to establish constitutional liberty as a real and lasting good, common to all, and equally bene-

ficial to all, without curtailing in any way those advantages which already have received my sanction. As by the disturbances at Vienna that manifesto may have been prevented from reaching its destination, and therefore may not have become generally known, it is my wish to notify this circumstance to the provinces, es- pecially to those through which I travel, in order to quiet their apprehensions.

" Herzogenbusch, Oct. 8, 1848. FERDINAND."

While these events passed in the German capital of Austria, Prague was becoming the focus of antagonistic Sclave elements. Some thirty

Bohemian members of the Austrian Diet assembled in Prague on the 6th

instant, and, in conjunction with the municipal authorities, took counsel for upholding the interests of the kingdom of Bohemia. In the course of an animated address, Palacky denounced the recent successful " revolu- tion " in Vienna, and the proceedings of the Magyars; commended the loyalty of Jellachich; and declared that the throne and the dynasty could be upheld only by the Northern and Southern Solavonians. A proclama- tion to the following effect was issued by the Burgomaster and the Town- Council.

"Murder and violence in Vienna have succeeded, contrary to the wishes of the majority of the inhabitants, in compelling the Emperor-King to take to flight, and in terrifying the Diet, the hitherto minority in which are now acting in an illegal way. The Municipal authorities of Prague protest against all the illegal acts of an Assembly which, transgressing the bounds of duty, has endeavoured to usurp

the executive power. The violent overthrow of a Cabinet acting with the ma- jority of the Diet is criminal and anarchic. The Municipal authorities of Prague are deeply attached to the dynasty and to the constitutionally Democratic Monar- chy. Bohemia can only prosper when Austria is independent. The authorities of the above city place confidence in the Emperor, and in his Imperial word Finally, the people of Bohemia are warned against disturbing public tranquillity: and are urged to drive from amongst them all the busy agents of the destructives:i

On the 10th instant, the journals of Prague were headed with this notice-

" We Deputies to the Diet, invite the Deputies of our opinion, of the whole Austrian empire, represented at the Diet so assembled, on the 20th October, at Bromn in Moravia, for a conference respecting the measures to be taken for secur- ing the freedom of the deliberations and the existence of the Constitutional Diet, for the interests of the entire monarchy." The signatures of twenty Deputies followed; among them, those of Palacky and Rieger.

Letters from Venice, of the 7th, state that a revolution had broken out at Trieste, and that a Republic had been proclaimed.

A letter from a correspondent of the Times at Vienna gives the follow- ing graphic and detailed narrative of the most striking events in the insur- rection of the 6th instant, especially of Count Latour's execution by the populace-

" I have already mentioned that the cause of this unpremeditated and un- suspected revolution is to be looked for in the recent acts of Government respecting Hungary, and in the dislocation of a regiment of Grenadiers, that had been in cantonment here during the last seven years, and been forming many friendly relations with the inhabitants. The National Guards, combined with the Academic Legion, would not permit them to depart; the Grenadiers sided with them; and the forces brought to bear upon them were beaten, their commander, General Breda, killed. At about two o'clock the Guards from the suburb Wieden entered the city; and were fired at by the Nationals from the Kaernthnerviertel, a division of the Guards which is denominated in vulgar parlance the Black Yellows, and considered to consist of haughty aristocrats and secret friends of the fallen system. They fired from the windows of St. Stephen's

Cathedral; the doors of which were burst open, and their captain, a wealthy linendraper of the name of Bahrt, killed before the high altar. A fearful struggle

took place in the cathedral. I have just now seen the marks of bullets on walls, pictures, and altars. Meanwhile_, a strong detachment of Pioneers had taken their stand before the Stock am Eisen, near Gerold's door; their four cannon at the first discharge making sad havoc among the Nationals and Academia/RA who occupied the square before St. Stephen's. These, however, held out man- fully; and after the first round attacked the soldiers with fixed bayonets, drove them from their position, took two of their cannon, pursued them up the Graben, through the Kaernthnerstrasse into the yard before the War-office. Here the combat raged with the greatest fury; four cannon before the War-office being there at the service of the soldiers. They fired grapeshot, especially into the Bogenerstrassse; and the loss of life and of property in that loaner was very great. The Nationals, however, took the place by storm, and drove the soldiers out of every position until they laid down their arms. "With a great deal of difficulty I got, at about six o'clock, to the War-office; where a spectacle presented itself to my eyes, the horrors of which I shall never forget. On a high lamp-post in the middle of the yard, the body of the War Minister, Court Latour, was suspended, stripped quite naked, and with a leather strap round his neck. He was fearfully mutilated, covered with wounds and cuts

without number, and the face dreadfully disfigured. Whilst I was there they covered him over with a linen cloth; but they had hardly done so when the in- tu iated mob tore it off again, striking the corpse at the same time with sabres, and firing at it, uttering at the same time the most awful imprecations and curses. The scene was horrible beyond description : in the dim light of torches I saw the body shaking about: the yelling and firing was deafening; and with much difficulty I collected the following particulars. "Latour had concealed himself in a wooden boa in the fourth story of the War- office; but was discovered by several National Guards, and most cruelly murdered. They threw him out of the fourth story into the yard, raised the body on the point of the bayonet to the height that was required to bang him, and amused themselves with firing at him. The night before, he had had his fate in his own hands : he had been waited upon by a deputation, and urgently cautioned against the sending away of the Deutsehmeister Grenadiers, as a disturbance would be sure to take place. His reply was 'A disturbance was the very thing he want- ed; and he had only waited this opportunity to proclaim martial law in Vienna.' In the following night the moon shone on his maimed body.

"At seven o'clock a brisk cannonade commenced from within and without the Imperial Arsenal, where part of the soldiers and the renegade Nationals had taken refuge. The building is immensely strong, was well barricaded, and the besieged offered a determined resistance. The fight was very violent, and lasted, with few interruptions, until about two o'clock. By this tune the besieged ex- perienced a want of ammunition, and their firing became very slack; the building was completely surrounded; and the besiegers resorted, as a last means to get them out, to Congreve rockets for the purpose of putting the house on fire.

"In the middle of the night, I stood on the Ferdinand's Bridge, and saw the flames and the smoke, while the poor wretches came in .shoals on the roof, en- deavouring to escape over the roofs of the neighbouring houses. In vain—they could not get out: it is impossible to say how many were suffocated by the smoke or perished in the flames. The remainder this morning delivered up their arms, and were imprisoned. About 100,000 muskets, carbines, and other fire-arms, fell into the hands of the citizens; and there is nobody now unarmed in Vienna. The people might yesterday have proclaimed any form of government, but not a single cry for a Republic was heard. They want a Constitutional Monarchy, but with better guarantees than they have had hitherto: and all this frightful loss of life might have been spared if the Imperial family had entered heart and soul into the new state of things."

WALLACHIA.—The Journal des Debats gives accounts of the entry of 20,000 Turkish troops into Bucharest. The Turkish commander, acting on national precedent, approached the town as a friend, and summoned the chief citizens to meet him as a political mediator. His summons was com- plied with, in good faith; but he imprisoned all who came; then' making forced marches, he came upon the city as if it were a hostile fortress, and took it by storm, after immense fighting and slaughter. "The Turks are now masters of the city; martial law has been proclaimed by Fouad Effendi; the Government formed by Saleyman Pacha has been dissolved, and replaced by a new Lieutenancy, composed of the Russian General Dahamel, Fouad Effendi, and Kostaki-Kantakuzeno, candidates for the dignity of Hospodar. The constitution has been abolished, and the old order of things reestablished. In a word, reaction has triumphed."

It is stated also that 16,000 Russian troops have entered Bucharest from Moldavia; that the troops injured some Austrian subjects, on which com- plaints were made by the Austrian Consul without redress; and that the Consul had felt obliged to haul down the Imperial flag, and post off to Vienna with a report of wrongs.

Gamarerne—The discussion of the Prussian Constitution was commenced in the Assembly at Berlin on the 11th. The first chapter, consisting of two articles, which determine the King's titles, occupied the whole day's sitting: the chief fight was upon retaining or omitting the words "by the grace of God" King, &c. On a division, it was resolved, by 217 votes to 134, that those words should be struck out. As a set-off, the Assembly afterwards determined in favour of the feudal and proprietary title "King of Prussia," rather than the political title "King of the Prussians."

HOLLAND.—The ICmg in person opened the States-General of 1848, at the Hague, on the 16th; and delivered a speech characterized by hearty feeling and liberal principles. He thanked his "well-beloved fellow-citi- zens" for the moderation, confidence, and respect for law and public order, as well as the personal loyalty, which they had manifested up to that day, and especially during the period "while the important work of revising the fundamental law was commenced and accomplished." The past encou- raged the highest expectations for the future. If future trials should be in reserve, they would be courageously met by all: "we will transmit intact to our descendants the pledge which has been confided to us."

Fraer.—Advices from Milan and Modena, to the I 1 th instant, state the events at Vienna had caused great excitement among the Austrian troops. Desertions had become so frequent from the Hungarian and Croat regiments, that Radetzky threatened to decimate the Hungarians should the desertions continue. On the 10th, 150 Hungarian officers elected a deputation to obtain from the General the permission of conducting home the whole of the Hungarian troops now in Italy. Radetzky answered by imprisoning them in the tower. The other officers then called out a num- ber of Hungarian troops, and drew them up on the esplanade to obtain the liberty of their incarcerated comrades, and the permission to depart. Ra- detzky sent a son of the Viceroy to tell them that they should have an answer within two days; and they consented to wait so long. At Modena the Croats and Hungarians had openly fought in the streets.

Sisent.—The advices from Spain are growing fuller of Carlist doings. It is plain that the masterly leadership of Cabrera in Catalonia is gather- ing into an important rebellion the elements of disaffection to the present Government. Engagements take place almost daily, and frequently re- sult in Carlist successes. The Government has published a return of the Carlist bands in Catalonia: they are under forty-five chiefs, and, number- ing from 40 to 400 men each, give a total of 4,960 infantry and 298 ca- valry, under Cabrera. As many more are under Forcadel in the South- east.

1Jierren STATES.—The mail steam-ship Acadia arrived at Liverpool on Tuesday, with advices from New York to the 3d instant. The papers are bare of news, and are occupied wholly with the Presidential contest. The Whig party divisions had been healed by Mr. Clay's letter in support of General Taylor, and the election of the latter is now spoken of in the papers as nearly certain; but we know that some of the best-informed Americans avow a total inability to guess whether the victory, after all, will rest with Taylor or Cass.