BOOKS.

THE PRINCE CONSORT'S LIFE.* IF one had to guess which of our great English statesmen of re- cent times would have most impressed and best suited the political taste of an unimpulsive, but deeply-read and deeply-convinced German Liberal, like the late Prince Consort, one would hardly have fixed upon the man who certainly did, better than any other, suit his type of mind and his political bias. It cannot now be doubted that if we had to describe the Prince Consort by any one of the popular political adjectives of the day, we should call

him not Whig, and still less Radical, not Conservative, and still less Tory, but as nearly as possible a Peelite,—i.e., an adherent of Sir Robert Peel's most mature views at the time when he had alienated the Tory party, and was acting, or desiring to act, as "a mediator, well disposed to all parties, and thereby controlling them and directing the government of the country." What makes this fact strange is that very few of the various English political leaders of this century have been, on the whole, less cosmopolitan in their politics than Sir Robert Peel. There was, indeed, nothing in him of the insular peculiarities of Lord John Russell, or of the truly British pugnacity of Lord Palmerston. But then, again, he had none of the bonhomie of statesmen who know and like the world ; he was somewhat frigid and haughty in his manner, and in relation to his policy was disposed to place economical consi- derations before those more refined moral considerations which most affected the mind of the Prince himself ; and though, like the Prince, he was pacific, and could not bear to see the British national egotism exaggerated as it was believed that Lord Pal- merston was disposed to exaggerate it in our dealings with the rest of the world, yet, unlike the Prince, Sir Robert Peel was certainly Conservative in the most characteristic of all habits,—the habit, namely, of so clinging to the past as to fail to provide for the future till the future was close upon him, and found him quite unprepared to meet it without some radical and almost humiliating change of front. Mr. Disraeli, in that admirable criticism of Sir Robert Peel which he gave to the country in his Life of Lord George Bentinck, wrote very justly of him thus :—" His [Sir Robert Peel's] judgment was faultless, provided he had not to deal with the future. Thus it happened through his long career, that while he always was looked upon as the most prudent and safest of leaders, he ever, after a protracted display of admirable tactics, concluded his campaigns by surrendering at discretion. He was so adroit that he could prolong resistance even beyond its term, but so little foreseeing, that often in the very triumph of his .manceuvres he found himself in an untenable position. And so it came to pass that Roman Catholic emancipation, Parliamentary reform, and the abrogation of our commercial system, were all carried in haste or in passion, and without conditions or miti- gating arrangements." That is, on the whole, a just description of Sir Robert Peel ; but had the statesmanship of the Prince Consort been as open to the public as the statesmanship of Sir Robert Peel, it is now plain enough that its chief character- istic would have been known to be a precisely opposite quality. We quoted last week a passage from the Prince Consort's memorandum on the Turkish question, showing that before war was declared, he was already looking forward to the most important of the conditions of peace as bearing rather on the modification of the Turkish rule in Europe, than even on the limitation of that Russian ambition which was undoubtedly the active cause of war. We have in this same volume another, and perhaps even more remarkable, illustration of the same faculty of perspicuous foresight, in the memorandum on the outburst of English feeling in resistance to the "Papal aggression " of 1850. This was what the Prince wrote :—

• The Life of His Royal Highness the Prince Consort. By Theodore Martin. With Portraits. Vol. II. London: Smith, Elder, and Co.

"Let us apply these considerations to the present crisis. We have intense excitement and animosity of parties, and the most heterogeneous elements, views, and interests, joining in the outcry against the Pope, and particularly against the Puseyites. There will be no want of proposals in the next Session of Parliament for special measures of detail ; assembling of the Convocation ; alteration of the Rubric 7 change of the Thirty-nine Articles ; removal of the Bishops from the House of Lords; increase of the Bishops ; alteration of tithes ; separation of Church and State, dm., dre. And it is very likely that the fire of indignation against the Romanisers will spend itself, and the end be general discontent and a weakening of the Church. If this is not to be the inevitable consequence of the present movement, those who mean to load it ought to be content with the assertion of some intelligible and sound principle, and should endeavour to find some proper formula for expressing it. The principle will easily be found, if the common cause of discontent, which has occasioned the excitement, has been ascertained. If strictly analysed, this cause appears to be the introduction of Romish doctrines and practices by the Clergy of England, contrary to the will and fittings of the Protestant congregations, under the assumption that the Clergy alone had any authority in Church matters. If this be the funda- mental evil, against this ought the remedial Principle to be directed— and this principle might be thus expressed :—That the Laity have an equal share of authority in the Church with the Clergy. That no alteration in the form of divine service shall therefore be made by the Clergy without the formal consent of the Laity. Nor any interpretation given of Articles of Faith without their concurrence. This principle once recognised as law, a whole living Church Constitution will spring from it, including Church government and doctrines. Upon the par- ticular nature of this constitution and its details, the most opposite opinions may be entertained ; but it may well be left to time and public discussion to carry out its development by degrees ; and the same respect for historical tradition and vested rights, which has marked the progress of the British Constitution, added to a high sense of the sacred nature of the work to be performed, will not fail to attend this development."

That reads very like a risume of part of Mr. Gladstone's speech in 1874, when Mr. Disraeli had given the consent of the Government to that unfortunate Public Worship Regulation Bill, as emphatically "a Bill to put down Ritualism," which the Prince Consort's memorandum had so accurately anticipated and described during the previous spasm of excitement of the same kind, five-and- twenty years before. It is clear that the Prince Consort's politi- cal mind was cast in a very different type from Sir Robert Peel's, He was always forcasting the future, and forecasting it shrewdly, while as Mr. Disraeli justly said, Sir Robert Peel hardly ever judged correctly except on data which were complete in themselves, and never attempted with any success the task of deciphering the development they were likely to take in the future. What could speak better for the forecasts of the Prince Consort, than this memorandum on the root of all such ecclesiastical ex- citements in the dissatisfaction of the laity with the purely clerical constitution and statesmanship of the Church ? If the Prince were a Peelite in this sense,—that he certainly appreciated none of the British Prime Ministers of his time as he appreciated the late Sir Robert Peel,—indeed, of the Duke of Wellington as a statesman he had evidently formed a very just and not a very admiring estimate,—at least it was not from any limitation in his own mind at all resembling the kind of limitation which kept Sir Robert Peel so long in ignorance of the revolutions that were just about to take place in his own opinions and in the con- duct which resulted from his opinions. Possibly the real ground of the Prince Consort's evidently strong attraction to Sir Robert Peel was his consciousness of his own ability to supply to some extent that able man's political deficiencies, and to do so without exciting his jealousy or winning anything but his gratitude. It was, of course, in foreign politics, and sometimes, perhaps, in the comparatively neutral region of ecclesiastical politics, that the Prince Consort's influence as a statesman was chiefly felt by the advisers of the Crown. But with men of Lord John Russell's and Lord Palmerston's type there was little prospect of his exercising a real influence. The minds of these great leaders were too much filled with positive ideas of their own. In the case of Sir Robert Peel it was otherwise. Great in administration, great as a Parliamentary leader, Sir Robert Peel was, as Mr. Disraeli said wanting in imagination, and very grateful to any one whom he could trust who would supply him with what he wanted. And no doubt the Prince Consort felt this, and felt that while Sir Robert Peel had all the very highest qualities of a Parlia- mentary chief, he was in want of the very class of ideas with which a wide-minded and pacific Continental statesman like himself could best supply him. This, at least, is how we account for the evident and well-marked leaning to- wards Peel of one whose mind was, in many respects, so much larger than Peel's, though of course he could not pretend to approach Sir Robert Peel in the special sphere of that great leader's transcendent abilities. The same sagacity of view,— though here, no doubt, he was more within the field of Sir Robert Peel's own sphere of wisdom,—is shown in the Prince Consort'is

letter to Dr. Wilberforce,—at that time Dean of Westminster,— on the political duties of a Bishop :— " Windsor Castle, 19th October, 1845.

"MY DEAR DEAR,—I had intended to commit to paperfor you my views upon the position of a Bishop in the House of Lords, but gave up the idea, fearing that it might appear presumptuous on my part. Anson, however, tells me that he is sure you would not consider it as such, and would be pleased if I were still to do it. I accordingly resume the pen. A Bishop ought to abstain completely from mixing himself up with the • politics of the day, and beyond giving a general support to the Queen's Government, and occasionally voting for it, should take no part in the discussion of State affairs (for instance,- Corn Laws, Game Laws, Trade or Financial questions); but he should come forward whenever the interests of humanity are at stake, and give boldly and manfully his advice to the House and country (I mean questions like Negro emanci- pation, education of the people, improvement of the health of towns, measures for the recreation of the poor, against cruelty to animals, for regulating factory labour, clsc., &c.). As to religious affairs, he cannot but take an active part in them, bat let that always be the part of a Christian' not of a mere Churchman; let him never forget the insuffi- ciency of human knowledge and wisdom, and the impossibility for any man, or even Church, to say, I am right, I alone am right.' Let him, therefore, be meek, and liberal, and tolerant to other confessions, but let him never forget that he is a representative of the Church of the Land, the maintenance of which is as important to the country as that of its constitution or its throne. Let him here always be conscious that the Church has duties to fulfil, that it does not exist for itself, but

• for the people, for the country, and that it ought to have no higher aim than to be the Church of the people. Let there be, therefore, no calling for new rights, privileges, grants, &c., but show the zeal and eagerness of the Church to stretch her powers and capabilities to the utmost for the fulfilment of her sacred duties to the people in minister- ing and teaching. A Bishop ought to be uniformly &peacemaker, and when he can, it is his duty to lessen political or other animosities, and renlind the Peers of their duties as Christians. He ought to be a guardian of public morality, not like the Preto, by tediously interfering with every man's private affairs, speaking for applause, or trampling on those that are fallen, but by watching over the morality of the State in acts which expediency or hope for profit may tempt it to commit, as ' well in Home and Colonial as in Foreign affairs. He should likewise boldly admonish the public even against its predominant feeling, if this be contrary to the purest standard of morality (reproving, for instance, the recklessness and wickedness of the proprietors of Railway Schemes, • who, having no funds themselves, acquire riches at the expense of others, their dupes. Here the nation is in the greatest danger, as every • individual gets corrupted and every sense of shame is lost. In this way the Bishops would become a powerful force in the Lords, and the country would feel that their presence there supplies a great want, and is a great protection to the people."

The view here presented of a Bishop's political duties may be a • little too narrow. We can quite conceive a condition of things in which it would become a Bishop's first duty to protest against the Game Laws, if they perniciously affected both the morality and the mutual feelings of different classes within his diocese ; and assuredly there have been circumstances in which the repeal of the Corn Laws became a duty of common humanity, and therefore within the scope of the Church's responsibilities, just • as, in the present crisis, it seems to us that a great variety of Churches have rightly felt it their duty,—as Churches,—to try to mould the foreign policy of the nation in the right direction. But • on the whole, if the Bishops had guided their course in the House of Lords by such advice as this, it is certain that they would now be a much more popular and much more powerful constituent in that House than they are.

Of the Prince Consort's deep sympathy with the poor and his efforts to raise the thrift and promote the happiness of the labour- ing classes, so much has been said, both in connection with his ' greatsaccess, the Great Exhibition, and with his eloquent speeches on the welfare of the labouring class, that we need only allude to the subject here to show that it was not merely inhis capacity as a states- man, but as a man, that his mind busied itself with forecasts of the future. Yet unquestionably he was a statesman of large know- ledge,—one who might have filled the post of English Secretary for Foreign Affairs with far greater ability than Lord Aberdeen, whose tendencies he shared, but whose weakness he clearly per- ceived. The following striking description of his knowledge of the diplomatic field is fully borne out by the details of Mr.

• Martin's narrative :—

4, The extent and accuracy of the Prince's information on every sub- - ject of political importance impressed all with whom he came in contact. • Ministers of State found him as familiar as themselves with the facts immediately connected with the working of their own departments. Ambassadors returning from their legations were struck to find how completely he had at command every significant detail of what had happened within the sphere of their special observation. Diplomatists proceeding for the first time to some foreign Court learned, in an inter- view with the Prince, not merely the exact state of affairs which they would find awaiting them, bit very frequently had the' character's of the Sovereignti and statesmen with whom they would have to deal sketched for them with a clearness and precision which they afterwards found of the utmost practical service."

- And how strongly and lucidly the Prince Consort could put the ' point at issue, when a question arose between the Crown and its servants, will be seen from the following remarkable account of his interview with Lord Palmerston in 1850, after the Queen had found it necessary to complain of the easy way in which Lord Palmerston passed her by in conducting the negotiations with foreign countries :—

" Osborne, 17th August, 1850.

" After the Council for the Speech from the Throne for the proro- gation of Parliament on the 14th, I saw Lord Palmerston, as he had desired it. He was very much agitated, shook, and had tears in his eyes, so as quite to move me, who never under any circumstances had known him otherwise than with a bland smile on his face. He said that after what had been communicated to him by Lord John Russell, he felt it necessary to have an explanation with me. That to differ from his policy, or to condemn it, was only to condemn his judgment, and a matter of opinion, upon which differences were natural and to be expected ; but the accusation that he bad been wanting in respect to the Queen, whom he had every reason to respect as his Sovereign, and as a woman whose virtues he admired, and to whom be was bound by every tie of duty and gratitude, was an imputation on his honour as a gentleman, and if he could have made himself guilty of it, he was almost no longer fit to be tolerated in society. I purposely did no interrupt him ; but when he had concluded, I reminded him of the innumerable complaints and remonstrances which the Queen had had to make these last years. The Queen was quite ready to make every allowance for the pressure of business in the office and his want of time, and would be sure to receive his denial of any intentional want of regard, but that she had felt that things could no longer go on so. The Queen had often—I was sorry to say, latterly almost invariably— differed from the line of policy pursued by Lord Palmerston. She had always openly stated her objections ; but when overruled by the Cabinet, or convinced that it would, from political reasons, be more prudent to waive her objections, she knew her Constitutional position too well not to give her full support to whatever was done on the part of the Government. She knew that they were going to battle together, and that she was going to receive the blows which were aimed at the Govern- ment; and she had these last years received several, such as no Sovereign of England had before been obliged to pat up with, said which had been most painful to her. But what she had a right to require in return was, that before a line of policy was adopted or brought before her for her sanction, she should be in full possession of all the facts and all the motives operating; she felt that in this respect she was not dealt with as she ought to be. She never found a matter 'intact,' nor a question, in which we were not already compromised, when it was submitted to her. She had no moans of knowing what passed in the Cabinet, nor what passed between Lord Palmerston and the Foreign Ministers in their conferences, but what Lord Palmerston chose to tell her, or what she found in the newspapers. Lord Palmerston in- terrupted me, saying that his conferences took some four hours a day,. and it would require as much time again to make a report of them ; but then he would have no time left for any part of the business of his office at the House of Commons. The documents, in which the results of the conferences"appeared, and which came to the Queen, were the drafts of despatches. I replied, that the Queen could not mean to ask for details, which ought to be managed by him; but, when principles were settled, she ought to be informed, and this could be done in a few words. She now lost much time in disputing with Lord John and Lord Palmerston about the Wording of despatches, which was most un- profitable; but in the absence of any explanation of the facts which de- termined, or the motives which guided the decisions come to, she was bound at least to watch these despatches. Words might mean very little or very much, according to the sense intended to be conveyed. To this Lord Palmerston answered, that he felt the full force of this objection, but that this was the result of the arrangement represented to him by Lord John Russell some years ago, as desired by the Queen, that all drafts should go through him to the Queen. The Prime Minister could not be as well informed as the Minister whose department was concerned. He had been ready to give explanations or to Come to the Palace at any time, but could not have known beforehand whether- he would be received, or whether he would not appear intruding. He was ready to come to me at any time, or to give me any explanation / might desire. I replied, that there had been found great convenience in the drafts passing through the hands of the Prime Minister to the Sovereign ; but that this did not preclude Lord Palmerston's writing to the Queen as often and as much as he thought necessary, and giving the information required. To give him an example of what the QUe0/1 wanted, I would ask him a question point-blank. He was aware the Queen had objected to the Protocol about Schleswig, and of the grounds on which she had done so. Her opinion had been overruled, the Pro- tocol stating the desire of the Great Powers to see the integrity of the Danish Monarchy preserved had, been signed, and upon this the King of Denmark had invaded Schleswig, where the war was raging. If Holstein were attacked also, which was likely, the Germans would not be restrained from flying to her assistance. Russia had menaced to interfere with arms, if the Schleswigers were successful. What would Lord Palmerston do when this emergency arose (provoking most likely an European war), and which would arise very probably when we should be at Balmoral, and Lord John in another part of Scotland ? The Queen expected from his foresight, that he had contemplated this possibility, and required a categorical answer as to what he would do in the event supposed. Lord Palmerston entered into a long controversy about the Protocol and the complicated state of the Danish question, called the contingency a very unlikely one, do., &c. After a full hour's conver!s, tion on this subject, we were, however, interrupted, without my briny able to get a positive answer. I spoke to Lord John Russell the following day of our interview, and told him how low and agitated I had found Lord Palmerston, almost to make me pity him. Lord John answered that he thought what had passed had done a great deal of good."

That Lord Palmerston had much to say for his own side of the question which is not here reported, we do not doubt. But the Prince's account of the interview is very striking, as showing the practical cogency of his way of putting his point, as well as his firmness in adhering to it, though on this occasion he did not succeed in getting an answer,—which perhaps it was, after all, by no means desirable to extract by sheer pressure. This passage, however, should to some extent diminish our regret that the Prince did not survive the wars of 1866 and 1870, and the complications of the present crisis. It is perfectly clear that he not only was, but would have continued to be, a factor of no mean importance in dealing with foreign affairs,—that his influence would always have been greatly dis- trusted by the people, and, perhaps, resented by popular states- men, and that in all probability he would have had to bear repeatedly, and sometimes in a very aggravated form, what he had to bear in 1853-4, and what he then evidently felt even too keenly. A foreign Prince of the ability of Prince Albert, who does not happen to be, or to be suspected to be, on the popular side, and whose manifold relations with some of the Powers implicated in a great European war must always subject him to vehement attacks from those who regard his influence as cast into the wrong scale, will always be in a most difficult posi- tion during such wars, and not the less difficult because the weight of his character and the earnestness of his convictions add as much to the fear and resistance he excites, as they do to the influence which he legitimately wields.