IRELAND.

Lady Heytesbury arrived at Dublin on Wednesday. Lord Heytes- bury lives in such complete privacy at the Lodge in Pheenix Park, as to make people complain that they doubt the existence of a Viceroy.

The usual weekly meeting of the Repeal Association was held on Monday ; and almost as much "enthusiasm " was displayed as on Mr. O'Connell's first reappearance. The chair was taken by the Honour- able George Hely Hutchinson ; who declared that he had been a Re- pealer for twenty-five years, and that he had often, " when stretched upon the bed of sickness, wept over the wrongs perpetrated on Ireland by the English Government "I Among objections to the Union, he mentioned that if the representation of Ireland were augmented, it would add to the number of absentees; absenteeism being attributed to the Union— But this was not all. There was not fair competition on the part of Eng- land with respect to their commercial transactions. A system of fraud was resorted to for the purpose of spreading abroad the notion that Ireland was a country in which it was impossible for a man to live, and in which capital could not be safely placed ; and thus capital was prevented from being embarked in commercial enterprises in Ireland.

Handing in 41. from Edinburgh, Mr. O'Connell called the attention of Repeal Wardens in Scotland to the existence of secret societies among the Irish there— He was very sorry to learn that they had formed societies under the detested name of "Ribandmen," for he had known Ribandism do more mischief to the cause of Ireland than any other faction whatever. They had also in Scotland other secret societies under the name of "United Irishmen," and be believed also of " Recbabites." It would be necessary for the Repeal Wardens of Scotland to take care that the names of any Repealers who may belong to these associations shall be at once erased from their books. It was astonishing that people who were so shrewd as the Irish should persevere in maintaining secret societies, which could only be productive of mischief. Having stated the illegality of secret societies, which subject the offender to transportation, he moved a reference to the General Purposes Committee, to prepare an ad- dress to the Irish in Scotland, warning them against participation in the practices.

Subsequently, Mr. O'Connell read a;letter from Mr. John Macnamara Cantwell, one of the attornies in the late trial, enclosing his subscrip- tion, and giving his adhesion to the association as a Federalist; in which Mr. O'Connell rejoiced—

He was gratified at having that opportunity of declaring their readiness to concur with Irishmen of every shade and party in politics, who went the length with them of giving to Ireland and to Irishmen the protection of a native Parliament. Without a Parliament which would give Irishmen pro- tection—which would give Ireland to the Irish—there could be no security for the continuance of any protection or prosperity that they might acquire. Taking it in that view, they would embrace Federalism, and heartily concur with those whom they could not induce to accompany them further.

The next matter was a toast to be proposed at the banquet on Thurs- day—" The Repeal of the Union"; about which some anticipative un- easiness seems to have been evinced. Mr. Smith O'Brien stated that no Repealer would join in a dinner where the toast was not recognized; but he insisted that it might be drunk by any true Federalist. Mr, O'Connell pressed the same argument—

The Repeal of the Union meant a repeal of an act of Parliament passed is the year 1800, by which the Irish Parliament had been annihilated; and, there fore, he should say that a Federal Parliament, giving the management of their national affairs to Irishmen, was one that he was quite ready to receive. He was convinced that a Parliament would work well for Ireland; and if it did not, be was convinced it would give them the means of working better.

Mr. Smith O'Brien read a notice recommended by a committee, that the Repeal Association would give three prizes, of 100/., 751., and 501. respectively, for the best essays in advocacy and illustration of the Re- peal of the Union. He proceeded to combat the notion that Repeal means separation ; on the contrary, he asserted that Repeal is essential to the integrity of the empire. He moved the adoption of the notice. In seconding the motion, Mr. Henry Grattan asked whether the Chair- man had heard of any announcement from Government of compensa- tion to Mr. O'Connell and his brother prisoners? and he made the for- midable threat, that " he was determined never to sleep in quiet, or to feel a moment's peace of mind, until he saw signal punishment inflicted on the perpetrators of such outrages "!

Some other business having been transacted, Mr. O'Connell rose to call attention to the three subjects of which he had given notice. With discretion and prudence, he said, the Repeal of the Union was not only certain, but near at hand: they were more sober than they were last week, and reflection showed them every encouragement to conciliate those opposed to them— If they looked at the transactions of the last twelve months, they would see that there was springing up at every side a disposition amongst Irishmen to combine one with another. He would take his own individual case. When the verdict was found against him, in a manner which he need not then describe, there was no triumph exhibited on the part of those who were called the Orange faction. There was no Orange lodge illuminated—no Orange proces- sion marched forth, in commemoration of the triumph ; there were no drunken orgies—no toasts of ' To Hell with the Pope and O'Connell! ' There was no- thing of that kind done; but three years ago the thing would have been very different. It was but a little more than that time since he risked his life is going along the Queen's highway to Belfast. Three years ago the North would have been in a blaze of triumph at his conviction. Now there was no triumph of the slightest kind. Such neutrality, if it went no further, was a matter that they ought to hail as a harbinger of better days to Ireland. He rejoiced in that neutrality. He was grateful for it. He thanked the Orange- men for their forbearance; and he expressed his strongest gratitude to them for that proof that they were becoming more Irish than they had been formerly; and that they, at least to his sense, held out a prospect of better days for their common country. But what bad since occurred ? Since he had been libe- rated, had the popular triumph been marked by any discontent on the part of those who opposed them ? He was proud to say that he had received the con- gratulations of persons who had been formerly opposed to him, and whose poli- tics were even yet not identified with his. He was proud to say that many who would formerly rejoice in his conviction had joined in the illuminations that bad followed his liberation.

The first motion that he had to bring before the meeting was, that it be referred to the Committee to report on the necessity of holding the Clontarf meeting— He had preceded the announcement of that subject by describing the in- creasing disposition of mutual forbearance among all classes of the community as one of the strongest motives for regulating the future conduct of the Asso- ciation in calling that meeting. His own opinion was, that the Clontarf meet- ing was now unnecessary ; and he was sure, if it be not necessary, it ought not to be persevered in, as it would be considered to have too much the appearance of triumph and defiance. Mr. O'Connell went on to vindicate the legality of the Clontarf meeting, and the orderliness of the forty-one monster meetings that had been held : but in this part of his speech there was no novelty. The next subject was the formation of a " Preservative Society " of three hundred gentlemen— Be thought that society ought to be formed of men who would make a sacrifice for the service of their country ; and he thought it would be well that they should be entirely distinct from that Association—that each should be distinct from and uncontrolled by the other. He wanted to give the prin- ciple of fixity to their arrangements, and to remove the impression that any of the institutions of the country were to be injured or disturbed by the Repeal of the Act of Union. If there was one thing that would tend more than ano- ther to inspire confidence, it would be in having persons of property formed to- gether in an association for the reestablishment of an Irish Parliament. Ile agreed with his friends Mr. Grattan and Mr. O'Brien, that a continuance of the Union would cause a real danger to property ; but he did not go so far as Mr. O'Brien when he said that he would resist separation as long as he could resist it. For his part, he would never consent to separation under any circumstances, and he would give up the Repeal to-morrow if he thought it would lead to such a result. On the contrary, one of his reasons for working for the Repeal was, that he was most firmly convinced that it would be the only means of main- taining the connexion between the two countries. He read several extracts from Mr. Grey Porter's pamphlet on Federalism, in support of the same opi- nions; and continued to say, that the Preservative Society, acting like a kind of House of Lords, would be most advantageous in removing all false impres- sions and alarms from the minds of the landed proprietors of the country. The third subject was the impeachment of the Ministry— With respect to the Judges, he thought the better course would be to have an address to the Crown from both Houses of Parliament for their removal, as was the case in the removal of Sir Jonah Barrington. That would be the most constitutional course, as it would require an inquiry before Parliament in the first instance. [Here Mr. O'Connell made a digression, to show that Re- peal would not be injurious to the institutions of the country.] He would now come to the address to the people of England and the impeachment of the Attorney-General. There was no need for him to enter into the details of the trial—but he wanted to know this : they bad heard much of English sympathy ; he was loaded with letters, telling him that he was wrong in fix- ing on the English people the faults of their governors, and that he should not have used such harsh language towards them. Now, he most remind the English people, with all respect, that they had borne with the greatest patience that the Times should lavish the foulest abuse upon their Irish brethren, and should call their priesthood " surpliced ruffians—hooded incendiaries—monkish assassins," and themselves " felonious multitude." Now, if he called them " Saxons," was it not a very mitigated term, compared with the language he had quoted from the Times, at the period when writing the Whigs out and the Tories in, which it mainly succeeded in by exciting a spirit of Anti-Irishium and a no-Popery cry in England ? Saxon was no term of reproach. It was an honoured name; and the purest portion of liberty was derived from Saxon laws and institutions—the Parliamentary system, trial by jury, and the shrievalty: but even if it were a disgraceful name, was not " felonious multitude " rather worse ? Was not " hooded assassins " as bad as " Saxons " ? Was not " monkish tyrants " and " surpliced ruffians " quite as strong as " Saxon " ? " But," said Mr. O'Connell, " 1'11 tell Englishmen what I'll do : I'll make a bargain with them. Let them forgive me ' Saxon,' and I'll forgive the compliments of the Times." Having recalled, with eulogy, his kind reception at the Covent Garden dinner, he said that be had now arrived at the time when he would test the English. There should be no more discussion one way or another as to what their feelings towards Ireland were. On this question they would either join Ireland or not, and one way or anotlur the public mind would be tested. He told England from that place, that if she joined them they would do her ample justice, and would sound her praise in shouts whose echoes should reach themselves again. They would pray that she might be great and powerful—that she might obtain every advantage in peace and victory in war. He promised them, in return, the lion heart and stout hand of Ireland. He promised them her glossing in- tellect, and the congregation of her virtues—her temperance, her morality, her chastity. He promised them the whole of these, if they joined Ireland in obtaining the victory over injustice. He went on to suppose that Mr. Roebuck, Mr. Wilson, the Secretary to the Anti-Corn-law League, and the proprietors of the Morning Chronicle, Advertiser, and Globe, were thrown together in one indictment, treated like sheep-stealers, and tried by their political opponents—Mr. Wilson, for instance, by tenants of the Duke of Buckingham : the people would have raised one universal cry—would have asked where was St. James's or Buckingham Palace? England would have had immediate justice; and, turning out her myriads, would have driven ter tyrants from their seats however lofty. Now, was his son John not as much entitled to protection as the Member for Bath ? If not, what became of the Union ? Let the people of England give up the humbugging idea of de- luding Ireland, and either join her heart and band, or allow her to consider them as her bitterest enemy. Her bitterest enemy, he said, because England stood between them and her oppressors, and could not remain neutral. England, however, must now take a part with them or against them. He offered her the allegiance of the Irish people, which would make Louis Philippe tremble on his throne, and would wipe away the disgrace of Mo- gador. But he had his price. He was to be bribed, and his bribe was justice. In return for that, he would make England the greatest of nations. He was amused with a passage of the judgment of the House of Lords, wherein they commanded that he and his fellows "should be restored to all that they had lost." (Cheers and laughter.) There was the solemn judg- ment of the House of Lords for them I (Laughter.) How could they give him back three months of his life ? (Renewed cheering and laughter.) An inch was a good deal in a man's nose; and three months was something at his time of life. (Cheers and laughter.) They might stop the clock, but not the flood of time. What could they do ? They could punish the authors of wrong, whom he would be ready to forgive when they acknowledged their offences. Having alluded to the peaceable state of the country, and ridiculed the idea of a coercion-bill, and of his abstaining from agitation, as recom- mended in the Sun, Mr. O'Connell proceeded to argue, that he had been con- victed of fifteen crimes by the Jury, where only five were charged against him. A gentleman bad asked him the day the verdict was returned if it were really true ? and on hearing that it was so, asked him, " Have the Jury convicted you of the murder of that Italian boy ?" " No," he replied, " because they were not asked." (Roars of laughter.) He concluded thus--" I have the honour to move, that it be referred to the committee to consider whether it be necessary to hold the Clontarf Repeal meeting; that a select committee be appointed to consider as to the necessity of establishing a Preservative Society ; and also, for the appointment of a committee to obtain the opinions of the people in the principal towns in England on the recent unconstitutional proceedings of her Majesty's government, in order that their impeachment be proceeded with in the next session of Parliament."

The motion passed as matter of course. The business closed with the declaration of the rent-7151.

The Banner of Ulster supplies some particulars respecting the illus- trious unknown to whom Mr. O'Connell has offered the leadership of Ireland—Mr. Grey Porter. He was a respectable Fermanagh squire, witlt no territorial influence, no old family associations ; but he was once an extreme Orangeman, and cultivated a fancied resemblance to William the Third, by riding about mounted on a white horse, and dressing like the equestrian statue in College Green ! His pamphlet created no sensation in his own county.

The Town-Council of Dublin held a special meeting on Saturday, and passed an address of congratulation to Mr. O'Connell on his de- liverance. The Conservative members of the Corporation took no part in the proceedings.

Before the State trial, the Lords of the Treasury issued a minute, directing that officers of the Revenue-departments in Ireland who had connected themselves with associations or subscriptions for the Repeal of the Union, should be required to withdraw from such connexions and subscriptions, under pain of dismissal ; the like penalty being threatened to those who should thus offend in future.

Mr. O'Connell is threatened with an awkward rivalry in his English agitation. At a meeting of the Dublin Protestant Operative Associa- tion, last week, it was resolved that a simultaneous deputation should be sent to attend the same meetings with Mr. O'Connell in England, to make known to the English people, " that the real object of the Repeal movement is to bring about once again the general ascendancy of that intolerant religion which once enslaved all the world, and at present holds the greater part of Christendom in darkness, and is above all ambitious to trample upon that Church of Christ which disenthralled England and brought truth and liberty to the world."

According to Mr. Peirce Maliony and the Dublin Evening Post, the Jury-list for the ensuing year will be vitiated by new neglects and omissions- " Notwithstanding the strict directions in the Jury Act," says the Post, " and also in the precept sent to each of the cess-collectors, that they should print and circulate their lists of qualified persons, in each of the parishes, early in August—notwithstanding all the remonstrances last year, that those provi- sions of the law had not been complied with—the duty still remains undone, in the middle of September. But the disregard of the law for the protection of trial by jury has been carried much further. Although the lists of the cess- collectors are returnable to the Clerk of the Peace before the 22d August, the first return of those lists was not made until that day; and even then, three parishes only were returned. The last returns, required by law to be in the hands of the Clerk of the Peace before the 22d August, were not in the posses- sion of that officer until Friday last, the 13th September. But, even although thus held back, the provisions of the law requiring the previous printing and publication of the entire lists in the various parishes had been wholly neglected. It is remarkable aim, that the entire number of jurors, common and special, now returned, amounts only to 5,175: last year, imperfect as the lists were, they exceeded this considerably; and it is notorious that there are at least 12,000 persons qualified to serve as jurors in the city of Dublin."

The Marquis of Westmeath returns to the contest with the Reverend Michael Coghlan, the Parish Priest of Fowre ; who published a cor- respondence, last week, in which the Marquis refused to prevent a tenant from building a house so as to block up the way to a chapel. Lord Westmeath is not very choice in his language. Ile talks of " Priest Coghlan's vulgar, rambling, and lying answer." He complains that Mr. Coghlan purposely altered his Lordship's letter, so as to make even bad English ; and he instances the printing of "get " for " set," and " continuance " for "contriver." These look like very ordinary misprints. He ridicules the spelling of the Reverend Patrick Carey, Mr. Coghlan's curate, who had taken part in the correspondence. The style of these strictures on deportment and composition is appropriate- " Please to observe how Priest Carey spells—the word incroach is a speci- men ; and I have just, on closing this, received a letter full of the sort of vitu- peration from Priest Carey such as these amphibious creatures mistake for spirit, wherever be having to use the word precedent, spells it p-essident—one s not being sufficient, he gives it two, and with an i also I I preserve the originals as a testimony of the state of education that precious seminary at Maynooth gives to the faithful clergy, who have now their unwashed feet upon the necks of this poor, misguided, and much to be commiserated people. Of course I never should have thought of a correspondence with any of these emasculated vermin, unless forced as I was to answer the application in the present case."

Finally, the Marquis tells "the sequel of the matter"-

" Priest Coghlan prays to God, in the Freeman's Journal, 'that no evil results will follow.' On last Sunday, he tells his Hock at his mass that they might pull down the Orangeman's house (a poor unoffending Protestant) whenever they pleased. The then present time was adopted by acclamation ; they sallied out of the chapel to the number of at least six hundred, stormed, and razed it to the ground. This religious and military operation may give the Protestants of Great Britain some notion of what is in store for their pro- fessing brethren in Ireland when the day arrives."

An embryo " affair of honour " took a somewhat unusual turn last week. A letter in the Dublin Monitor, signed " A Sufferer," contained personal allusions to the pecuniary affairs of Mr. Dillon Browne ; who, through his "friend" Mr. Mark Blake, called upon Mr. Coffey, the registered proprietor of the journal, to apologize and retract. Mr. Coffey denied that he was responsible, except legally, for what appeared in the paper ; but, at the instance of Mr. Blake, he also appointed a " friend," Mr. Mathew J. Martyn ; who confirmed his view. In a letter to the Freeman's Journal, Mr. Martyrs thus relates the line of argument which he took in the negotiation—. " I protested against the principle that the proprietor of a newspaper shonld be held personally responsible for the contents of it ; and, to exemplify the just neva of this position, fully explained to Mr. Blake how unreasonable it would be that the proprietor of a newspaper, having no means of being personally Cognizant of all the matters which might appear in it, should notwithstanding be held personally responsible to all who happened to feel themselves offended in consequence of matters which might get publicity without his sanction or knowledge ; and 1 stated, that equally as his liability in a court of justice was ascertained, so was his personal irresponsibility perfectly understood. Upon these grounds, I altogether refused to sanction or recognize Mr. Brown's de- mand as it was then made." Mr. Martyn referred the complainer for redress " in the ordinary quarter and in the usual way,"—meaning, apparently, that he should have called upon the editor of the paper to give up his authority. Mr. Browne, however, wrote a letter declaring Mr. Coffey's conduct to be " unworthy of a gentleman and a man of courage " ; whereupon Mr. Coffey swore the peace against his antagonist, and had him held to bail. On this last letter, Mr. Martyn says- " Subsequently to the communication of my final determination to Mr. Blake, the letter of Mr. Browne to Mr. Coffey was handed to me; and as I regarded it as an unjustifiable attempt to influence Mr. Coffey's temper, and even to irritate him to sacrifice a principle of personal irresponsibility which I conceived lie was bound to maintain, as well in his individual position as proprietor of the Monitor as on behalf of all other proprietors of public journals— and as Mr. Browne thought proper to offer by it a voluntary and deliberate Insult to Mr. Coffey, for the purpose of urging him to abandon the course I as his friend adopted—I felt myself imperatively bound to direct Mr. Coffey not to notice it further : and in this opinion I have had the gratification since to be confirmed by the approval of two experienced military gentlemen whom I have consulted."

In the course of the proceedings at the Police-office, Mr. Keogh, a barrister retained for Mr. Browne, said that his client " applied for re- dress to Mr. Coffey, because, on a former occasion, when he was libelled in the same paper, he applied to the editor, who then denied his responsibility : now he looked to the registered proprietor, and he was met in the same way." To this assertion, the Monitor replies- " On no former occasion' was Mr. R. D. Browne libelled in this paper ; on no former occasion ' did be, in consequence of that libelling, apply to the editor of this paper for redress; and on no former occasion' did the editor

' deny his responsibility.' The statement is, therefore, altogether untrue. *

• * We have now only to add, in reference to Mr. Dillon Browne, that bad he applied properly and in the first instance to us, he should have received all the reparation to which he was entitled for any offensiveness contained in our correspondent's letter of which he could legitimately complain."