Communication
The League Assembly at Work [To the Editor of THE SPECTATOR.]
Sir,—The mood of the Assembly this year is one of cautious hopefulness, very different from the atmosphere of last October. If the delegates have abandoned the beliefs of the 'twenties, that they could create in Geneva " a brave new world," they have at any rate acquired a determina- tion to make the old world as tolerable a place as possible.
Mr. De Valera's diatribe against the intrigues in hotel rooms (quaintly translated . in at least one . English news-. paper as " intrigues in hotel bed-rooms ") found little support among the mass of the delegates. It is recognized that these hotel conversations form the most valuable part of the League's deliberations. Sir John Simon, for instance, has been able to have full and frank talks with Herr Schuschnigg, which would have been difficult, if not impossible, without the meeting-ground of Geneva. It is by this means of negotiation that the objections put forward by Norway to joining in the embargo against the export of arms to Bolivia and Paraguay have been successfully overcome.
There is a new and welcome realism about the proceedings of the Assembly. The diehard argument that the League of Nations is a talking-shop has not been borne out at the Fourteenth Assembly. It was two days before the general discussion was opened. The President appealed for speakers, but there were none forthcoming. The old hands looked back with regret to the early days of the middle 'twenties, when there were more speakers than could be accommodated in the time. This reluctance to orate has, however, its good side. It does indicate a realization of the gravity of the problems at issue and a deep sense of the responsibility that any delegate takes upon himself in dilating upon them.
One wishes, however, that there could be some representa- tion of that invaluable adjunct to the House of Commons— the distinguished private member. The fact that every delegate represents a Government has a stifling effect on the exchange of ideas, and prevents Geneva from becoming, as it ought to be, the sounding-board of the world. What is lacking is the kind of speech that an Austen Chamberlain or a Lloyd George is able to make in debates on foreign affairs at Westminster when out of office.
Such speeches as there have been have certainly not lacked interest. The refusal of Colonel Beck, the Polish Minister, to operate any further the minority treaties has been the sensation so far of this year's session. Everyone felt, as this smooth-faced militarist with the record of the dashing cavalry leader in the Russo-Polish war of 1920 was repudiating, without a trace of emotion, the treaties that had brought his country into existence, that they were watching a new grouping of European relationships. There was a general impression that the traditional alliance between Poland and France was being strained to breaking point. It was confirmed by M. Barthou's speech the following day. Though his protest was framed in language no less temperate- than that of Sir John Simon, it was delivered far more emphatically. It was clear from the expression on Colonel Beck's face, as he listened to the two speeches, which of them he more resented.
There is no doubt that the alliance between Germany and Poland is stronger than was first realized. It is regarded as important that the repudiation of Poland's obligations to her minorities under the treaties has provoked no protest from Germany. From conversation with the Polish delegates, 1 gather that they firmly believe that the present German- Polish pact will continue beyond the prescribed ten years. They really are of opinion that the Polish Corridor, like Alsace-Lorraine, has been written-off by the German Govern- ment as a loss that cannot be recovered.
Colonel Beck's speech had one advantage. It brought Sir John Simon to the rostrum. He had not intended to speak in the general debate, but the moment Colonel Beck had delivered his ultimatum he decided that he must answer it. The result was an admirable performance. Sir John's speech was short, pointed, restrained, straightforward, in fact, the model of what the utterance of a Great Power ought to-be. Its effect on the delegates was an impressive illustration of the moral influence that Great Britain, in spite of all the timidities and hesitations of its foreign policy, still possesses. It is something that has no relation to armies and navies or an increased air force. It emphasized the tragedy of Great Britain's failure to realize it in these years of crisis.
The other dominating issue at this year's Assembly has,' of course, been the admission of Russia. The prolonged and slightly ridiculous chase of M. Litvinoff round the Lake with successive draft invitations which at the same time had to maintain the dignity of the League and not offend the highly sensitive susceptibilities of Russia is now over, and by the time this letter is published the Soviet Govern- ment will be a .member of the League with a seat on the Council. It would be an exaggeration to say that her entry is received here with enthusiasm. There is considerable apprehension as to how she will use the power of veto with which her membership of the Council endows her, and also as to the possibility in the not distant future of a further embroilment with Japan. But despite this, there is an almost universal feeling that the, advantages of Russia coming into the League far outweigh the disadvantages of her remaining outside it.
The only other topic that has been of immediate concern this week has been the measures necessary to ensure the continued independence of Austria. Herr Schuschnigg's speech was not impressive. It was far too long and his defence of Austria's efforts to create the Corporate State was laboured and unconvincing. There is a widespread feeling that the Austrian Government is far too much dis- posed to leave the defence of her country to her neighbours and is not taking the necessary measures to make an effective contribution to it herself. Active discussions, though at present they are confined to hotel rooms, how- ever, are proceeding on a regional pact similar to that of Locarno, to stabilize the existing position in Austria. To this Great Britain would adopt, I understand, an attitude similar to that she adopted in the case of the projected Eastern Locarno. She would promise her blessing, but not active participation involving armed intervention. The Government will not consent to the assumption of full commitments for a second Belgium. The main difficulty in the way of a regional pact is the jealousy and suspicion that characterize the relations of Italy and Jugo-Slavia. There is apparently no contact at all between their respective delegations. The only satisfactory feature in the Austrian situation is the declaration by Herr Schuschnigg that Austria can maintain itself as a separate economic unit.
There is, unhappily, no sign that the League of Nations spirit has infected Anglo-Irish relations. Mr. De Valera regarded the failure of the delegates of the Empire to support his candidature for the Vier-Presidency of the Assembly as a personal slight. In consequence, he declined to attend the official dinner of the Empire delegation. A pretty comedy followed when he subsequently appeared at a luncheon given by Sir John Simon to M. Barthou. Sir John Simon, though he was not aware that he had invited him, greeted him cordially, and began introducing him to his guests. The plans of the luncheon-table were hurriedly altered, but halfway through the process of introduction De Valera realized that he had made a mistake. He had come to Simon's luncheon-party in mistake for that being given at the same time and in the same hotel by the Chinese delegation.
The incident has been the one comic relief in a reassuring, but so far unexciting Assembly. With the arrival of the Soviet delegation and also the thrashing out in committee of the Polish minority question the proceedings should liven up this week.—I am, Sir, ate., YOUR GENEVA CORRESPONDENT.
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