Zbe Vrobinces.

The nomination of candidates for East Suffolk, in the room of Sir Charles Broke Vere, took place at Ipswich on Tuesday. The candi- dates were Lord Rendlesham, Conservative, and Mr. Alexander Shafto Adair, Whig. Before the election, Lord Rendlesham issued three ad- dresses : in the third, he declared himself opposed to the Canada Flour- bill contemplated by Ministers, and said that he had not done so be- fore for want of time ! On this the Ipswich Express says- " With regard to the pressure upon Lord Rendlesham's time, let us see how the account stands— Wednesday, 5th April, first address issued; so pressed for time that he could not explain his opinions.

Thursday, 6th, pressed for time. Friday, 7th, pressed for time. Saturday, 8th, still pressed for time.

Sunday, 9th, time, of course, devoted to other objects.

Monday, 10th, pressed for time.

Tuesday, 11th, thinks—having felt the pulse of the electors—that at last it is time to speak out. His Lordship's third address issued accordingly."

The Express infers that Lord Rendlesham will prove a time-server in the House of Commons.

Colonel Bence, who proposed Lord Rendlesham on Tuesday, made much of Mr. Adair's declaration in favour of a " nondeseript " fixed corn-duty, of which he had not named the amount. Mr. R. N. Shawe, who proposed the opposite candidate, taunted the Conservatives with disappointment in Sir Robert Peel—

The Conservatives were, by their own declaration, deceived: and no one had more firmly expressed that than Colonel Bence, who said, when he heard of Sir Robert Peel's recent measures, that " He was perfectly astonished ; his hair stood on end, his jaws were locked, and be could not speak a word." In his address from the hustings, Lord Rendlesham said that he ad- mired Sir Robert Peel as much as any man ; but he did not pledge himself to support all his measures; and particularly

"He pledged himself to oppose the Canada Corn-bill, because he conscien- tiously believed it would be highly detrimental to the agricultural interests, and consequently to the commercial interests; for he believed these interests were so intimately blended that one could not suffer without the other."

As to other prospective measures, " he meant the Factories Educa- tion Bill, and others of which he had forgotten the names," "he would give them his best consideration." He boasted that he had not can- vassed any tenant without first asking permission of the landlord.

Mr. Adair made a similar boast : but he began his speech by de- scribing the gradual change which had taken place in the position of Sir Robert Peel's Ministry, from being supporters to being changers of the Corn-law ; and "he arraigned Sir Robert Peel for having kept bad faith with the agricultural interest." He twitted the Ministry with perpetuating the Poor-law Commission after the clamour about the "Whig %stiles." He inveighed against the new Corn-law ; declared himself for a fixed duty of 10s.; and threatened the intended Canada Corn Bill with his opposition— He opposed it because, in the first instance, it was a violation of faith on the part of her Majesty's Government ; for while Sir Robert Peel declared on the 7th February that he did not contemplate any extensive alterations in the Corn-laws during the present session, he had heard in confidence, that at that very time the Government had resolved upon this very measure.

He deprecated the Factories Bill, as tending to compel children to attend school, and the Income-tax, "the crowning evil." The show of hands was in favour of Mr. Adair. A poll was de- manded for Lord Rendlesham.

A public meeting, convened by the High Sheriff of Northumberland, pursuant to a requisition signed by upwards of 600 freeholders and farm-

ers residing in the county, was held on the 12th, in the Court-holder at Morpeth Castle, to consider the propriety of petitioning Parliament for a repeal of the Income-tax. The High Sheriff was appointed to the chair. The first and principal speaker was Mr. S. Donkin, of Bywell ; who urged many of the usual objections to the Income-tax, but particu- larly its injustice to the farmer— However agreeable it might be to the hangers-on of the Treasury to have their incomes defined, the farmers protested against the assumption that their incomes were equal to one-half their rents. If a tradesman could show that his business did not realize a certain sum, he was exempt from the lncome-tax; but it was not so with the farmer. Whatever might affect the value of his farming produce, still he must pay a tax of 3 per cent on his rental ; and this was called an income-tax. Was there ever an act of greater injustice com- mitted by those who called themselves the farmers' friends?

The tax, contrary to the promise when imposed, presses on the poor, in the shape of a reduction of wages ; though that reduction is "prin- cipally owing to the blind and stubborn resistance to any alteration in the present system of commercial restriction." A letter from Mr. Bolam, of Easingtou Grange described the great- est distress among the agriculturists of Northumberland; a pair or two pairs of horses being reduced on each farm, and hundreds more of farm-servants threatened with dismissal at the end of the May term. Mr. Donkin moved the following resolution-

" That it is the opinion of this meeting that the Income-tax is inquisitorial, oppressive, and impolitic ; that the farmer is taxed on the assumption that his income is equal to the half of his rent, while the great depression in farm- produce since the tax was imposed clearly demonstrates the fallacy of such an inference; that it acts upon the capital vested in trade in a manner equally injurious to the prosperity of the tradesman ; and that it is injurious to the working-classes by lessening the demand for labour." Mr. D. Turner, of Blagdon, adduced some figures to show that the Income-tax occasions a loss— lib .took the income from the county-rates: half the amount was from agriculture, which would give 7,0001. to be collected as a tax from the farmers of the county. He said at the time, that in consequence of this tax it would be impossible for the farmers to employ labourers to the same extent as they might have done had this sum of money not been taken from them—a sum which would have employed no fewer than two hundred hands. Then the loss to the county would be nearly 8,000/. Had this sum been laid out in draining, it would have drained upwards of 3,000 acres. This, according to a moderate calculation, ought to produce from three to four bushels an acre more of wheat than before, and from five to six bushels of oats. This made a loss for one year of 296 quarters of wheat, and 494 quarters of oats ; which, at 48s. per quarter for the wheat, and 22s. for the oats—which was surely low enough— would be a loss of 1,1561. 4s. in one year, besides the loss of the labour and the tax taken from the farmer.

He moved, "That, as the Income-tax was imposed for the expenses of the wars in China and India, and the Chinese having agreed to idemnify England, this meeting is of opinion that the Income-tax ought immediately to be repealed." The resolutions were carried unanimously ; with a third, directing them to be embodied in a petition, to be signed by the Chairman. Thanks having been voted to the High Sheriff for his conduct in the chair, the meeting broke up.

N. Tuckett, of Exeter, timber-merchant, announces by public advertise- ment, that he has been "surcharged to the Income-tax by one thousand pounds," and that he is determined to seek some other country "where there will be no inquisitors sent to rack mankind."—Bristol Mercury.

There was a great agricultural dinner in the Town-hall at Walling- ford, on Thursday ; the large room being completely crammed. Mr. W. S. Blackstone, M.P., occupied the chair. Many long speeches were delivered, full of the usual arguments in support of the Corn-laws and " protection " to agriculture ; but the most interesting portions are those

which relate to Ministers, their measures, and Conservative supporters—

who were not spared. Mr. Blackstone repudiated the low ground taken at some previous agricultural meetings in this kingdom, of en- deavouring to persuade the occupiers of land that it was their duty to employ fewer horses in drawing their ploughs, and to devote their ener- gies to better moles of cultivating the soil. The industrious classes of the community were not to be hoodwinked and diverted from the real question by considering the best modes of employing capital, when, under existing circumstances, no mode of employing capital c mild give

any return to its employers. He alluded to past declarations in favour of protection, to which Ministers had given their adhesion ; to their return to power by the agriculturists ; and then to their conduct on en- tering office— Sir Robert Peel took the earliest opportunity of selecting, to form one of his Administration, a noble Duke, well known at that time to have the confidence of the agriculturists of England. (" Hear, hear !" and a laugh.) He alluded to his Grace the Duke of Buckingham. e Cries of" Shame on him 1") For what reason, if Sir Robert Peel then intended the measures which he subse-

quently proposed, had he selected the Duke of Buckingham—then called the "farmer's friend," to join the Administration. Had he any hope that his Grace, so long, as Marquis of Chaudos, the representative of Bucks, would desert his old principles, and dip into free trade along with him ? Or did the honour- able Baronet hope by the appointment to lull the farmers of England while he made his alterations ?

The Canada Corn Bill furnished the topic for more censure— In connexion with it, he wished to allude to the declaration of the right honourable Baronet at the head of the Government, that he had no intention

at present of making any further change in the Corn-laws. On one occasion, and that a few weeks since, the right honourable Baronet bad gone further, and caused such satisfaction that Mr. Blackstone rose in his place and thanked

him for the announcement, at the same time stating that he knew the farmers

of England would he rejoiced. He at the same time expressed his hope that such an avowal was indicative of an abandonment of the Canada Bill: but the right honourable Baronet immediately rose and refused to have any such in- terpretation put on his speech. Ile was bound to say that he hardly knew how to trust the right honourable Baronet after such statements. (Loud cheering.) The health of Mr. Pusey, Lord Barrington, and Mr. Palmer, Mem- bers for the County, having been drunk, Mr. Pusey first rose to return thanks, and to defend his own conduct. He had never had a wish that the Corn-laws should be altered at all; but he had had no part in the Government of the country by whom the altered Corn-law had been proposed. He had deeply considered the working of the Corn-laws, and it did appear to him that the change proposed would not seriously infringe upon the legitimate protection which the agriculturist was en-

titled to. (" Oh! ") Sir Robert Peel stated that the new Corn-law

would give an average protection of 56s., which was practically the average under the old law. He attributed the present depression of price, less to the operation of the new law, than to the expectations of an extraordinarily abundant harvest next season, and to the great amount of land under corn-cultivation—about one-fourth additional. He had offered to the Tariff his sincere but unavailing opposition. In pro- posing the Canada Corn Bill, he was certain that Ministers did not intend directly to harm the farmers. (" Oh, oh !" and loud laughter.) He explained, that some persons calculated that the cost of conveyance

would be equivalent to a protective duty of 25s. on Canadian and 35s. on American wheat : others said it would amount only to a duty of 58.— If the latter view of the case were the correct one, nothing could be further from his mind than the idea of sanctioning a course which would lead to such

results ; and all he would say further was, that unless he was thoroughly satis- fied that the proposed Canadian Bill would produce no such effects, he would give it his most determined opposition. He believed that the salvation of British farmers depended upon the adoption of two means ; the first was the maintenance of an adequate protecting-duty, and the second was the adoption of means for increas- ing the growth of corn.

Viscount Barrington insisted that he and his colleagues had fulfilled their duty to their constituents—

It was their duty to consider the difficulty in which the country was placed ; that difficulty being caused, he would not hesitate to say, by the infamous con- duct of the late Administration. And when the affairs of the country came before Parliament, he for one did not see how it was possible, if there were not a great alteration in the commercial affairs of this country, that the agricultural interest could be left out of the sufferink: and he said this although he presumed he should be as great a sufferer as any one present, because in the end the landlords must suffer ; for it was impossible that after a number of years of lowered prices the tenants could pay the same rents as they had agreed to pay when prices were higher in amount. • • * He was not prepared to say that foreign corn should not be admitted into the country at some duty. Whe- ther the present duty was too high or too low, was not now the question. It might be too low, but he hoped it was not ; but he would not declare that the people of this country should be debarred from using the meat of other countries, because there had been a decreased supply in this country. With regard to the Canadian Bill, which was to be brought forward in this or the next ses- sion of Parliament, it was perfectly impossible for him to say then whether he could support it or not. If it were a bill making a considerable diminu- tion in the protection of the British farmers, it would be the duty of the Representatives of the British farmers to oppose it.: From the answer which Mr. Gladstone had given to a question by Mr. Ewart, it appeared, that at present there was no power on earth which could prevent the United States corn from being imported into this country in the shape of Canadian flour, as a colonial manufacture under the Navigation Act ; and they had the assurance of the Colonial Secretary, that if he could not discover adequate means of preventing what was apprehended, the smuggling of Canadian wheat, the bill should not pass.

Lord Stanhope was toasted, and delivered a long speech. He pushed further the charge against the Members for the Counties ; making them responsible for the Peel measures—

The late commercial measures had been brought forward by Sir Robert Peel with great mistrust as to their results. He did not say that they formed a Government measure; he did not determine to stand or fall by them : and they might be assured, that if they then possessed in the House Commons such champions of the cause as their chairman and his honourable friend on his right, (Mr. B. Cochrane,) Sir Robert Peel would have surrendered the Corn-law and they would have heard nothing of the Tariff.

He roundly attacked Mr. Pusey, for attributing the depression of prices to any other cause than the large importation of foreign corn and the Tariff; and, after describing delusions attempted against the agriculturists, he proceeded thus—

They all knew and severely felt the injustice and injuries which they had suffered; and it was their duty to consider what were the circumstances which would naturally and necessarily result from such treatment, and whether they had yet means in their power to arrest the fatal catastrophe.

A Gentleman—" Turn out the Ministry! " (Loud cheers.)

Earl Stanhope—" I quite approve of the suggestion, and I wish it were as easy to carry it out as to suggest it." Bat when the new Corn Bill was

passed,: they had been told by Ministers that it was not to be considered a final measure. He could bring proofs, too, that a Cabinet Minister had said in the month of July last, not in his place in Parliament but elsewhere, that "we must make further plunges into Free-trade, for the present:Corn Bill will not last a year."

He advised the farmers to follow the example of their fellows in Buckinghamshire; where he had been opposed by his relative Lord Nugent and Sir Harry Verney, and not supported by the Duke of Buck- ingham, " the former farmer's friend." (Cheers.) Mr. Allnutt proposed " The health of those Members of Parliament who bad stood fast by the agriculturists, especially that of Mr. Quintin

Dick and Mr. Baillie Cochrane, who had that night honoured them with their presence" ; taking occasion to join in the attack on the Members for Berkshire— He was not about to attack the County Members who were present, on the score of insincerity, but he did blame them for their inconsistency. (Cheers.) He remembered what had occurred at the last election; and though Lord Bar-

rington and Mr. Pusey might be quite sincere, he would tell them to their faces, that if they had dared to acquaint the voters with the part which they

intended to take, they would not have been on the present occasion in the proud situation in which they now appeared. (Tremendous cheering, and shouts of" No, no ")

He went on to attack "that grand apostate Sir Robert Peel"— He spoke advisedly, and as a practical farmer, when he said, that if the infa- mous act of Sir Robert Peel continued unrepealed, that the farming interests of this country would be destroyed. He thought that the noble lord and the honourable gentleman near him would have considered the matter well by this time—would have acknowledged they were wrong in what they had done ; and

that they would have determined to oppose Peel henceforth, and, if possible, try to oust him from office, from the bad eminence which he at present occu- pied. (Loud cheers, with cries of" Out! turn him out ! ")

Lord Barrington having insisted that he had fulfilled the only pledge he gave—to oppose a fixed duty, Mr. Quintin Dick and Mr. Baillie Cochrane returned thanks ; and shortly afterwards the party separated

The grand Free-trade festival was held last evening in the Free-trade Hall, Peter Street—John Brooks, Esq., in the chair—on the occasion of presenting an address to Richard Cobden' Esq., M.P., from the work- ing men of Manchester. The immense hall was filled with a highly respectable assemblage, who listened with the greatest attention to the spirit-stirring addresses which were delivered by the various speakers. The speech of Robert Neil, a working man, who delivered the address to Mr. Cobden, displayed great ability, and was much applauded. The address was signed by 11,372 working men. The meeting was after- wards addressed by Mr. Cobden, who spoke for an hour ; by Mr. Law- rence Heyworth, of Liverpool; and by Mr. Bright, of Rochdale, who also spoke at great length.--Manchester Guardian, April 19.

The clergy and members of the Established Church, including the conductors and teachers of Sunday-schools, resident in Manchester, Salford, and the vicinity, held a meeting at the Manchester Corn Ex- change, on Tuesday evening, for the purpose of considering a petition to the House of Commons in favour of the Educational Clauses of Sir James Graham's Factories Bill. The chair was taken by the Dean of Manchester ; the body of the spacious building being densely crowded. The chairman spoke at some length in support of the principle of the measure—

He apprehended the general principle of the bill to be this, that the children of the poor should receive education ; and that that education should not be confined to secular learning, but that it should be based upon a knowledge of the fundamental truths of the Bible : that learning should be conveyed to them by those who were their authorized teachers ; that it should not be cor- rupted by any interlopers, and that no superstitious doctrines should be intro- duced.

" But he thought that some details might be amended— The most important objection, however' which he had to the bill, was as to the wording of the 55th clause, which related to a want of control. Accord- ing to that clause, the trustees had the power of appointing, suspending, and dismissing the master and his assistants, of fixing their exact remuneration, and of king every question relative to the discipline, the management of the schools, and the dismissal of any child for misconduct; and the only provision relative to the Church was, that the appointment of a master and his assist- ants should in all cases be subject to the approval of the Bishops. The effect of this clause would be that, eapposing a majority of the trustees wore not

members of the Church of England, they, having the power of fixing the exact remuneration, might fix it at so small a sum that no master could be found to undertake the duty. Then the approval of the Bishops was only with respect to the competency of the master; and here it should he recollected, that many persons were competent to teach the Scriptures who were not fit to teach. A Jesuit, for instance, was competent to teach the Bible, and he was also com-

petent to undermine and to pervert its doctrines; and therefore the Bishop ought to have the privilege on general grounds, and ought not to be confined

merely to the competency of the party. He objected also to the bill because, when the teachers had been thus appointed with the approbation of the Bishop as to competency, there was no power to remove them, whatever their in- competency might be.

He commended the tone and temper of Lord John Russell's resolu- tions; which he contrasted with the spirit of the Wesleyan Methodist resolutions against the bill. One of the chief speakers was the Reve-

rend H. Stowell ; who retaliated for a charge against the Church of Eng- land, that it has neglected the education of its members, with a similar charge against the Dissenters—

In about the space of a year, there were, of persons under the age of seventeen, 360 committed to the Borough Prison of Manchester. Of these there were seventy-two who could not say the Lord's Prayer; thirty-nine who could say the Lord's Prayer and nothing more; thirty-one who could say the Lord's Prayer and the Creed ; and thirty-three who could say the Lord's Prayer, the Creed, and the Commandments : but there were none who could tell their duty to God and their neighbour, or who could repeat the Church Catechism : and of those 360, 117 belonged to the Church, and the remaining 243 belonged to the different denominations of Dissenters all put together ; so that the pro- portion of Dissenting children committed during that year was as two to one in comparison with the number of Church of England children. And this fact would appear more extraordinary still when he stated, that, taking his own ecclesiastical district as a fair proportion, the professing Churchmen were as three to one with the Dissenters in Manchester. Only two conclusions could be arrived at from facts of this nature—either that there was a want of educa- tion among the Dissenters, or that the education they afforded was not of a practical or genuine character. Resolutions were proposed, and unanimously adopted, to the effect that the meeting strongly felt the urgent necessity for some national measure to secure the sound education of the poorer classes of the com- munity, and especially of those who were employed in the manufac- tories; that the meeting was satisfied no such measure would be of any advantage unless the education to be insured should be a Christian education, in harmony with the Word of God and in unison with the National Church ; that, without pledging itself to all the details of the bill, the meeting looked upon it with favour, as an honest, earnest attempt to meet in some degree the educational exigencies of the popu- lation, without, on the one hand, surrendering the rights of the Church, or on the other, infringing on general freedom of conscience.

At the Gloucester Quarter-Sessions, on Tuesday, were presented copies of the reports of the Commissioners appointed by Government to inquire into the causes which led to the death of the prisoner Beale, to investigate the charges made by other prisoners as to the treatment they had received, and to inquire generally into the management of the Northleach and the other Houses of Correction in the county. The report on Northleach Prison brought strong charges of neglect against the Surgeon of the prison, Mr. J. R. Bedwell ; and the Chairman, Mr. P. B. Purnell, moved that he be dismissed. On a division, four voted for dismissal, and a very considerable number for retention. Mr. Bed- well was therefore continued, but with an admonition as to his future conduct. The case of the Governor, whose conduct was also con- sidered blameable, was next taken into consideration ; when it was re- solved to reprove him and admonish him for the future. Harding, the second Turnkey, charged with various acts of oppression and cruelty, was dismissed. The Visiting Magistrates being charged in the report with failing in vigilant superintendence, the Chairman moved this resolution, " That the Court were of opinion that the entries in the journal of the Visiting Justices supported such a charge as that made against them by the Commissioners ; but that it was a ground ofjust complaint that they had been excluded from that part of the inquiry which embraced their conduct. Had they been present, they would have shown that certain inspections had taken place, of which no entry had been made."

Some nice verbal distinctions were taken. The Honourable and Reverend Mr. Talbot (one of the Justices) thought that the words "support the charge" were too strong. Mr. C. Hayward suggested that the phrase " give a colour " might be better. At last it was resolved to change the phrase to " apparently support."

An inquest was held at Waltham Stationhouse, on Saturday, on the bodies of the seven men who perished in the powder-mills on the previ- ous Thursday. There was no clue to the actual cause of the explosion ; but Captain Tulloh, the Inspector of the works, conjectured that the powder might have been ignited by an electric spark. The evidence generally tended to discountenance the idea that the machinery had been unduly hastened : there was no reason, said Captain Tulloh, in a Go- vernment concern to do any thing in a hurry. Colonel James Cock- burn, Director of the Royal Laboratory at Woolwich, and other mili- tary witnesses connected with the management of such establishments, gave the most satisfactory report on the state of the works. A passage in the evidence of William Adams, a workman in No. I corning-house, is interesting-.-

"There was nothing unusual in the rapidity of the works. Had often worked at No. 2 corning-house [the one in which the men were killed] him- self, and knew it to be an old-fashioned house, with nothing about it. Every precaution was taken to prevent accidents. Visiters going to see the machinery had goloshes put on their feet. Sadd generally went to that place once a day; BO did Captain Tulloh and Mr. Austin. The machinery was examined once or twice a week, and the cog-wheel soaped to prevent friction. Was engaged in a building where machinery had been lately erected for granulating powder on a new system. This machine was introduced at the expense of Govern- ment, and for the purpose of saving human life. It was being conducted under the superintendence of Captain Tulloh. The works were always carried on, while he had been in the Ordnance employment, in the same way that they were when the deceased met their deaths. They could not have worked hurriedly, for they were making rifle-powder, which required a slower process than the common description of powder. Every precaution was used to pre- vent accidents. Visiters coming to inspect the gunpowder-mills were always supplied with goloshes, which they put on their feet when they entered the building, to prevent the possibility of the introduction of grit or sand. In- deed, ever since Captain Tulloh had had the superintendence, nothing could

exceed the care or attention that was paid to prevent accidents. So satisfied was he with the precautions, that he should not have the slightest objection to work in the same mill under the same management were the works rebuilt. He was persuaded that there were fewer accidents at the Waltham Abbey powder-mills than at any mills in the country. There might have been about 1,500 pounds of powder in the reel-house, 500 pounds in the corning-house, and 2,000 pounds in the press-house."

Captain Tulloh would have been in No. 2 corning-house, to keep an appointment with Mr. Sadd, but that he was kept away by having to write an official letter. The Jury returned a verdict of "Accidental Death," accompanied by an expression of their unanimous and decided opinion that the manufactory appeared to have been conducted by Cap- tain Tulloh with every possible precaution for the safety of the men employed under his superintendence.