fortign Huh Zolnuial.

U i f t l htatts.—The Thirty-sixth Congress was opened on the 3rd of December. The galleries were crowded; the Diplomatic Corps mustered in full force ; the Senators from South Carolina were not in their places, but the members from that State appeared in the House of Representatives. On the 4th, the President's message was delivered to the Senate and House, and nearly two hours were occupied in reading it. The most important portions are those which relate to the great sub- jects of the day— The Constitution, Secession, and Slavery.

The President plunges at once into the subject, commencing thus- " Throughout the year since our last meeting, the country has been

eminently prosperous in all its material interests. The general health has been excellent, our harvests have been abundant, and plenty smiles through- out the laud. Our commerce and manufactures have been prosecuted with energy and industry, and have yielded fair and ample returns. In short, no nation in the tide of time has ever presented a spectacle of greater ma- terial prosperity than we have done until within a very recent period.

" Why is it, then, that discontent now so extensively prevails, .prevails and the Union of the States, which is the source of all these blessings, is threatened with destruction ? The long-continued and intemperate interference of the Northern people with the question of slavery in the Southern States has at length produced its natural effects. The different sections of the Union are now arrayed against each other, and the time has arrived, so much dreaded by the Father of his Country, when hostile geographical parties have been formed. I have long foreseen and often fLrewarned my countrymen of the now impending danger. This does not proceed solely from the claim on the part of Congress or the Territorial Legislatures to exclude slavery from the territories, nor from the efforts of different States to defeat the execution of the Fugitive Slave Law. All or any of these evils might have been endured by the South without danger to the Union (as others have been), in the hope that time and reflection might apply the remedy. The immediate peril arises not so much from these causes, as from the fact that the incessant and violent agitation of the slavery question throughout the North for the last quarter of a century, has at length produced its malign influence on the slaves, and inspired them with vague notions of freedom. Hence, a sense of security no longer exists around the family altar. This feeling of peace at home has given place to apprehensions of servile insurrection. Many a ma- tron throughout the South retires at night in dread of what may befall her- self and her children before the morning. Should this apprehension of do- mestic danger, whether real or imaginary, extend and intensify itself until it shall pervade the masses of the Southern people, then disunion will be- come inevitable. Self-preservation is the first law of nature, and has been implanted in the heart of man by his Creator for the wisest purpose ; and no political Union, however fraught with blessings and benefits in all other re- spects, can long continue, if the necessary consequence be to render the homes and the firesides of nearly half the parties to it habitually and hope- lessly insecure. Sooner or later the bonds of such a Union must be severed. It is my conviction that this fatal period has not yet arrived ; and my prayer to God is that He would preserve the Constitution and the Union throughout- all generations."

He then pictures the growing agitation in the Northern States from 1835 to the present time, and exclaims—" How easy would it be for the American people to settle the Slavery question for ever, and to restore peace and harmony to this distracted country'. They, and they alone, could do it. All that is necessary to accomplish the object, and all for which the Slave States have ever contended, is to be let alone, and per- mitted to manage their domestic institutions in their own way." The people and not the President is alone able to effect this. Thus be is brought to observe and demonstrate that the election of Mr. Lincoln " does not of itself afford a just cause for dissolving the Union." He has been elected according to law. Reason, justice, requires that some overt act should be waited for, before revolution would be justifiable. Mr. Buchanan deprecates apprehensions of contingent danger. Mr. Lin- coln must be conservative; he must administer the laws. Congress has never passed an Act, except the Missouri Compromise, impairing the rights of the South to their property in slaves, and there is no probability that Congress will pass such an Act now. Mr. Buchanan combats the argument for secession that the rights of the slave-owners to take slaves into the territories have been denied ; and points out that the Supreme Court has solemnly decided " that slaves arc property, and, like other property, their owners have the right to take them into the common territories." He shows that Territorial Legislatures have no right to forbid slavery, but imputes to the factious temper of the times the exten- sive objection to the decision of the Supreme Court. Neither Congress, nor the States, nor the Territorial Legislatures may " annul the sacred rights of property"— "The most palpable violations of constitutional duty which have yet been committed consist in the Acts of different State Legislatures to defeat the execution of the Fugitive Slave Law. It ought to be reinembered, how- ever, that for these Acts neither Congress nor any President can justly be held responsible. Having been passed in violation of the Fect ral Constitu- tion, they are, therefore, null and void. All the Courts, both State and na- tional, before whom the question has arisen, have from the beginning de- clared the Fugitive Slave Law to be constitutional. The single exception. is that of a slave court in Wisconsin, and this has not only been reversed by the proper appellate tribunal, but has met with such universal reprobation that there can he no danger from it as a precedent. The validity of this law has been established over and over again by the Supreme Court of the United States with perfect unanimity. It is founded upon an express pro- vision of the Constitution, requiring that fugitive slaves who escape from service in one State to another shall be ' delivered up ' to their masters. Without this provision, it is a well-known historical fast that the Constitu- tion itself could never have been adopted by the Convention. In one form or other under the Acts of 1793 and 1850, both being substantially the same, the Fugitive Slave Law has been the law of the land from the days of Washington until the present moment. Here, then, a clear case is pre- sented, in which it will be the duty of the next President, as it has been my own, to act with vigour in executing this supreme law against the con- flicting enactments of State Legislatures. Should he fail in the perform- ance of this high duty, he will then have manifested a disregard of the Con- stitution and laws, to the great injury of the people of nearly one-half of the States of the Union. But arc we to presume in advance that he will thus violate his duty This would be at war with every principle ofjustice and of Christian charity. Let us wait for the overt act. The Fugitive

Slave Law has been eanied into execution in every contested case since the commencement of the present Administration, though often, it is to be re-

gretted, with great loss and inconvenience to the master, and with consider- able expense to the Government. Let us trust that the State Legislatures will repeat their unconstitutional and obnoxious enactments. Unless this shall be done without unnecessary delay, it is impossible for any human power to save the Union.

" The Southern States, standing on the basis of the Constitution, have a right to demand this act of justice from the States of the North. Should it be refused, then the Constitution, to which all the States are parties, will have been wilfully violated by one portion of them in a provision essential to the domestic security and happiness of the remainder. In that event, the

injured States, after having first used all peaceful and constitutional means to obtain redress, would be justified in revolutionary resistance to the Go- vernment of the Union."

In a very able and elaborate argument, Mr. Buchanan contends that no State has a constitutional right to secede from the Union. He cites authorities, going back to the opinions of General Jackson, and further still, to those of Mr. Madison, and to the origin of the constitution it- self. He describes the jurisdiction of the constitution, and demonstrates that under it there is no right of secession- " It may then be asked," he proceeds, "Are the people of tho States without redress against the tyranny and oppression of the Federal Govern-

ment ? By no means. The right of resistance on the part of the governed against the oppression of their Governments, cannot be denied. It exists independently of all constitutions, and has been exercised at all periods of the world's history. Under it, old governments have been destroyed, and new ones have taken their place. It is embodied in strong and express language in our own Declaration of Independence. But the distinction must ever be observed, that this is revolution against an established Govern- ment, and not a voluntary secession from it by virtue of an inherent con- stitutional right. In short, let us took the danger fairly in the face ; seces- sion is neither more nor less than revolution. It may or it may not be a justifiable revolution, but still it is revolution."

In South Carolina all the Federal officers have resigned, and the Fe- deral laws cannot be administered. The Executive is powerless because the judicial machinery is gone. But Customs can be collected, and the officer in command of the United States forts, purchased by the consent of the Legielature of the States, has been instructed to act on the defen- sive. Mr. Buchanan says he has no power to change the relations be- tween a State and the Federal Government, no power to compel submis- sion, no power to recognize secession. No power has been conferred on Congress to declare and make war against a State. Such power was expressly refused to the Federal Government by the Convention which made the Constitution. War would effectually destroy the Union by preventing reconciliation. Our Union rests upon public opinion. If it cannot live in the affections of the people, it must one day perish." He then invokes his countrymen to pause before they destroy "the grandest temple which has ever been dedicated to human freedom since the world began ;" and he finds a remedy in the Constitution, a remedy tried at different critical periods, and always with eminent success- " It is to be found in the 5th Article providing for its own amendment. Under this article, amendments have been proposed by two-thirds of both Houses of Congress, and have been 'ratified by the Legislatures of three- fourths of the several States,' and have, consequently, become parts of the Constitution. To this process the country is indebted for the clause pro- hibiting Congress from passing any law respecting an establishment of re- ligion, or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press, or of the right of petition. To this we are also indebted for the Bill of Rights, which secures the people against any abuse of power by the Federal Government. Such were the apprehension, justly entertained by the friends of State rights at that period, as to have rendered it extremely doubtful whether the Consti- tution could have long survived without these amendments.

" Again, the Constitution was amended by the same process after the election of President Jeffixson by the House of Representatives, is Fe- bruary 1803. This amendment was rendered necessary to prevent a re- currence of the dangers which had seriously threatened the existence of the Government during the pendency of that election. The article for its own amendment was intended to secure the amicable adjustment of conflicting constitutional questions, like the present, which might arise between the Grovermncnts of the States and that of the United States. This appears f om contemporaneous history. Ili this connexion I shall merely call at- tention to a few sentences in Mr. Madison's justly celebrated Report, in 1799, to the Legislature of Virginia. In this he ably and conclusively defended the resolutions of the preceding Legislature against the strictures of several other State Legislatures. These were mainly founded upon the protest of the Virginia Legislature against the ' Alien and Sedition Acts,' as 'palpable and alarming infractions of the constitution.' In pointing out the peaceful and constitutional remedies—and he referred to none other—to which the States were authorised to resort on such occasions, he concludes by saying 'that the Legislatures of the States might have made a direct representation to Congress with a view to obtain a rescinding of the two of- fensive Acta, or they might have represented to their respective Senators in Congress their wish that two-thirds thereof would propose an explanatory amendment to the constitution ; or two-thirds of themselves, if such had been their option, might, by an application to Congress, have obtained a convention for the same object.'

"This is the very course which I earnestly recommend in order to obtain an explanatory amendment' of the constitution on the subject of slavery. This might originate with Congress or the State Legislatures, as may be deemed most advisable to attain the object."

"This explanatory amendment might be confined to the final settlement of the true construction of the constitution on three special points-

" 1. An express recognition of the right of property in slaves in the States where it now exists or may hereafter exist. "2. The duty of protecting this right in all the common territories throughout their territorial existence, and until they shall be admitted as States into the Union, with or without slavery, as their constitutions may prescribe.

" 3. A like recognition of the right of the master to have his slave, who has escaped from one State to another, restored and delivered up' to him, and of the validity of the Fugitive Slave Law enacted for this purpose, to- gether with a declaration that all State laws impairing or defeating this right are violations of the constitution, and are consequently null and void.

"It may be objected that this construction of the constitution bee already been settled by the Supreme Court of the United States, and what more ought to be required ? The answer is that a very large proportion of the people of the United States still contest the correctness of this decision, and never will cease from agitation and admit its binding force until clearly established by the people of the several States in their sovereign character. Such an explanatory amendment would, it is believed, for ever terminate the existing dissensions, and restore peace and harmony among the States.

"It ought not to be doubted that such an appeal to the arbitrament

established by the constitution itself would be received with favour by all the States of the Confederacy. In any event, it ought to be tried in a spirit of coneiliatioa before any of these States shell separate themselves from the Union."

Foreign Relations. The President reports that the relations of the Government with Great Britain are of the most friendly character, the questions arising out of the right of search and the Clayton and Bulwer Treaty having been amicably and honourably adjusted. As the question of San Juan is under negotiation, "it is not deemed advisable at the present moment to make any other allusion to the subject."

"The recent visit of the Prince of Wales, in a private character, to the people of this country, has proved to be a moat auspicious event. In its consequences it cannot fail to increase the kindred and kindly feelings which I trust may ever actuate the Government and people of both countries in their political and social intercourse with each other." With Franco the relations maintained are also "most friendly." The French Government and Courts of Law have recognized the right of a Frenchman, naturalized in the United States, to be exempt from service in the French army. The Government of Washington is determined to protect the rights of naturalized citizens everywhere.

With Russia, mutual friendship and regard continue to prevail, and, if possible, to increase.

But "our relations with Spain" are more complicated but less dan- gerous. The Spanish Government agreed to a Convention satisfying the Cuban claims, and satisfying those who hold them, but the Senate did not ratify the Convention. Mr. Buchanan repeats his recommendation that Cuba should be acquired by fair purchase. It would contribute to the well-being of both countries, and abolish the African slave-trade throughout the world.

With Austria and other continental Powers; with China, Japan, Brazil, the United States Government are on friendly terms. fie report

on the relations with the Central American States is favourable ; but with Mexico, relations are "most unsatisfactory." After repeating the history of the outrages of successive and ephemeral government in Mexico, the President records his failure to obtain the consent of Congress to a bill giving him power to march an army through the territories governed by Juarez, in order that he might inflict chastisement on Miramon. Having failed in Congress, he hoped to accomplish the same objects in some degree by treaty.

Kansas and Utah.

Under this head, Mr. Buchanan reverts to the history of the Topeka and Lecompton Constitutions, and vindicates his conduct in dealing with those instruments ; and he reports the restoration of peace in the terri- tory of Utah.

Finances and Tariff.

The President shows that he had reduced the extravagance of the expen- diture ; bringing down the pay and mileage of Members of Congress from 1,490,214 dollars in 1858 to 889,093 dollars in 1859, and the contingent expenses from 2,003,309 dollars to 1,431,565 dollars in the same period. The expenditure of the Government, exclusive of the public debt, has been reduced from 71,901,129 dollars in 1858, to 55,402,465 in 1860. The interest on the debt in 1860 amounted to 3,177,314 dollars. Under the head of Tariff, the President strongly recommends an abandonment of ad valorem, and the adoption of specific duties, upon grounds which he has enforced in his two last annual Messages.

Several other subjects of miscellaneous interest are incidentally men- tioned in the Message, but all the points of importance are contained in the above condensation. The Message thus concludes-

" When I entered upon the duties of the Presidential office, the aspect neither of our foreign nor domestic affairs was at all satisfactory. We wan involved in dangerous complications with several nations, and two of our territories were in a state of revolution against the Government. A resto- ration of the African slave trade had numerous and powerful advocates. Unlawful military expeditions were comitenanced by many of our citizens, and were suffered, in defiance of the efforts of the- Government, to escape from our shores for the purpose of making war upon the unoffending people of neighbouring republics, with whom we were at peace. In addition to these and other difficulties, we experienced a revulsion in monetary affairs soon after my advent to power, of -unexampled severity and of ruinous con- sequences to all the great interests of the country. When we take a retro- spect of what was then our condition, and contrast this with its material prosperity at the time of the late Presidential election, we have abendant reason to return our grateful thanks to that merciful Providence which has never forsaken us as a nation in all our past trials." In the Senate, Mr. Clingman made a Disunionist speech, for which he was severely rebuked by the venerable Senator, Crittenden. In the House of Representatives, after some smart disoueeion, instead of the Message being referred to a Committee of the whole House, such parts of it as relate to the perilous condition of the country were referred to a Special Committee. The motion was carried by 145 to 38. Several Southern members did not vote, and Mr. Miles of South Carolina said, his State was out of the Union, " except as to the mere form," and therefore took no interest in the question. Later advices report that a motion for appointing a Committee on the state of the nation had been made in the Senate, with orders to report on the remedies proposed by Mr. Buchanan. The House had nominated its Committee; Mr. Carwin, of Ohio, being chairman. The Committee consists of 16 Republicans, 14 DemOcrata, and 3 of the Southern Opposition. Three members of the South begged to be excused.

The Georgia Senate had rejected the bill milling for a convention of the Southern States.

Mr. Floyd, a Member of the Cabinet, contends, in a letter to a Vir-

ginian journal, for the right of secession ; but he deprecates disunion for the odd reason that, by holding on a few years New York will ruin the commerce of England for ever, whereas by seceding England will be for ever without a rival! Surely such nonsense will not be tolerated by in- telligent men.

raurr.—The Emperor has taken another step in favour of liberty ; be has partially abolished the passport system. The Afani(eur of Sun- day formally notified the fact- " The Emperor has decided that after the 1st of January next, and by reciprocity, the subjects of her Majesty the Queen of Great Britain and Ireland coming into France shall be admitted and allowed to travel about without paasporta. The Minister of the Interior will give instructions to his agents to see this measure carried out."

The journals are looking for the extension of the privilege to Belgium and Prussia.

M. de Persigny, since his return to the Home Office, has effected. several reforms in that department. His attention has been directed to the manner in which the administration of the Communes throughout France is conducted, and it is said that he is resolved as much as possible to introduce the principle of self-government among them. The local I authorities will be permitted to adopt such measures as may appear most conducive to the interest of the inhabitants of the commune. This will be the first step towards an administrative decentralization, which will be very popular in the provinces. M. de Persigny has also refused to fol- low up prosecutions against journals initiated by M. Billault. The Patrie asserts that the Pope, guided by a conciliatory spirit, con- sents to a revision of the Austrian Concordat.

It is stated that on Monday evening Lord Cowley and M. de Metter- nich met at M. Thouveners, and those three personages afterwards went to see the Emperor at the Tuileries. It is more than ever believed that negotiations, pressing Austria to give up Venetia, receiving a pecuniary indemnity, are actively going on. A pamphlet has appeared, entitled The Emperor Francis Joseph and Europe. It boldly advocates the sale of Venetia. The author is said to be M. Pereire, the famous financier, and the Emperor is said to have revised the proofs. A well-informed writer says-

" M. Pereire waited on his Majesty, and offered to read the sheets to him, but the Emperor said he should understand the matter better if he read it himself, and begged that the proofs might be left with him. I am assured, on authority which I cannot doubt, that in one passage the Emperor made a correction with his own hand. This passage is the following one, which speaka of the cession of Venetia as the object to be desired, and a congress the means of arriving at it- ' To revive the great idea of a holy alliance (says the writer), and the reconstitu- tion of it for the sake of populations and kings on Lases in conformity with the wants of the epoch, and to cause the present frontiers of France and of all the states of Europe to become in the eyes of all and for ever sacred--such is the universal wish of nations and of Governments ; such the grand enterprise of the century.' "M. Pereire had written les frontieres de Fiance, but the Emperor, wishing more emphatically to declare his renunciation of all projects of further annexations and extensions, interlined the word actuates.' This anecdote is much commented upon in political circles, and is considered as strong additional evidence of the fact, for which there has long been much converging testimony—that the Emperor, whatever ambitious views he may have entertained formerly, does now really desire peace and good fellowship with all his neighbours."

The Moniteur of Thursday contained a decree remitting all condemna- tions which have been pronounced for offences and for infractions of the law in connexion with the press, and nullifying all prosecutions which have been commenced.

The Constitutionnel has published an article signed by its chief editor, M. Grandguillot, on the question of Austria and Venetia.

M. Grandguillot states that solutions of that question are everywhere sought after because it is instinctively felt that a decisive crisis is approach- ing. All Europe seems to have apprehensions for the coming spring. He is convinced that the wisdom of the government of the Emperor will know how to prevent a struggle henceforth without any object. The situation of Austria in Venetia is deplorable. Everything is possible in Venetia except that which now exists. M. Grandguillot expresses his conviction that Aus- tria, who knows how provinces are gained, will also remember how they are lost. He believes that Baron von Schmerling sees things in a different light from General Benedek, and that the baron has already weighed the chances of a new struggle. It is formally announced thht on "the 1st of January- next the Emperor will receive the diplomatic corps, the constituted bodies of State, and deputations from the National Guard and the army. Their Majesties will not receive on the 2d of January."

Si 11111.—Early in the week, we had a report from Mole di Gaeta, that there had been a temporary suspension in the siege of Gaeta. The corre- spondent of the Daily News, writing on the 10th, says-

" I had scarcely posted my letter on Saturday, when I was informed that a French man-of-war had arrived with important despatches for Admiral Barbier de Tinan. I hastened to Cialdini's head-quarters, where I heard that a truce of fifteen days had been negotiated by the Emperor Napoleon, and that in all probability the French steamer referred to was the bearer of the official intimation of the French Cabinet. It seems that it is especially due to the influence of the English Government, that Louis Napoleon was induced to change his line of policy towards Francis IL The truce proposed to the two contending armies, and already accepted by the Sardinian go- vernment, has been proposed by France, in order that Francis II. should have time to consider his case, which is tantamount to a timely recom- mendation that he should give up the idea of resistance. At the expiration of the fifteen days, if the besieged King persists in the defence, he is told by the Emperor, that the French fleet will leave Gaeta, and abandon him to his fate. Tgese, I am told, are the very words of the imperial ultimatum. Francis II. will be greatly surprised, for, till the other day, he firmly believed that France would never allow Admiral Persano to bombard the place."

The next day the fire ceased. But a despatch from Rome on the 16th states that the negotiations had failed- " The bombardment of Gaeta will recommence, in consequence of the non- acceptance by King Francis II. of the proposed conditions to surrender Gaeta. The King has issued a manifesto, calling upon the Neapolitans to make a last effort to preserve their nationality. He guarantees to maintain their liberties, and to grant distinct Parliaments to the Two Sicilia% He also promises an amnesty. If compelled to succumb, he will maintain the firm hope of returning to his dominions." The other news is of comparatively little importance. Victor Em- manuel remains at Naples, it is said, until Gaeta surrenders. The pro- vince of Abruzzi was less disturbed. The Italians have occupied the Papal territory of Ponte Corvo.

lastria.—The Wiener Zeitung of Saturday contained four Imperial autograph letters, dated the 13th instant. The first relieved Count Golu- chowski of his functions as Minister of the Interior. The second appoints Baron Schmerling Minister of the Interior. The third nominates Herr von Planer Minister of Finances. The fourth confers the Grand Cross of the Order of St. Stephen on Counts Reehberg and Goluchowski.

11 n11 glIftp—The Conference at Gran met on the 18th, and closed after a sitting of four hours and a half.

M. Desscroffy demanded that the Imperial diploma, inaugurating the new state of things, should be established on an inviolable legal basis,

which would at once remove any doubts concerning the national rights. He also said—" A Diet constituted according to the Electoral Law of 1848 could only be considered to form such a basis."

Count Barcoczy censured the Electoral Law of 1848, and spoke against the privileges of the nobility as established by that law. Be also advo- cates equal rights for everybody. Finally, it was unanimously resolved to request the Emperor to grant the Electoral Law of 1848. The Primate, in his closing speech, expressed the hope of an early convocation of the Diet, and exhorted the nation to union and confidence.

A banquet afterwards took place in the Primate's palace, when speeches of a conciliatory character were delivered. The healths of the Hungarian and other Councillors of State were drunk amid loud and enthusiastic cheering.

The declaration addressed by the Comitats Committee to the Chancellor of Hungary contains, besides the four points already announced, an urgent request that the enlistment of soldiers and the tobacco monopoly may be suspended until the decision of the Diet has been taken on these ques- tions.

According to advices received here from Hungary, other Comitats are following the example set by the Comitat of Peath in reference to the proposals to be submitted to the Chancellor.

Surktn.—Tefick Effendi has been appointed successor to Mouktar Pasha as Minister of Finances.

Prince Couza, the whole of his Ministry concurring, has placed Sophronia Michelesco, Metropolitan of Moldavia, under arrest, and has summoned a court to try him for numerous illegal acts. There have been some conflicts with rioters, supposed to have been excited by the Russians, and the Moldo-Wallaclian troops, in which the latter were successful.

Snit i 2.—We have news from Bombay to the 26th of November. The 5th Bengal Europeans no longer exist as a regiment. One of the privates has been shot for refusing to obey orders when on duty, and the regiment has been broken up and distributed among the other local European corps. The general orders of Sir Hugh Rose on the subject are very remarkable documents. The native merchants and shopkeepers of Bombay persist in the passive resistance to the Income-tax, to which they are said to have been counselled by an English barrister practising in the Supreme Court. All trade is stopped, and exorbitant prices are demanded for the neces- sary articles of consumption. The combination against the Government is not confined to the island, but is widely-spread among the Natives of the whole Presidency. They had a great, but somewhat ludicrous, demonstration on the 14th of November at Poonah, where they assem- bled, to the number of many thousands, before the office of the Income- tax Commissioner, and publicly tore up the papers with which they had been served that they might fill them up with returns of their income. The Commissioner was absent, which was the more unfortunate, as there were among the crowd round his doors several distinct deputations— such as that of the barbers, who were ready with an offer to give all the Sahibs a clean shave every morning on condition of being exempted from, Income-tax ; of certain dark-skinned ladies, who clamorously complaineu of the injustice of taxing their profession in such bard times, when trade was so bad.

C1J i tl a.—The despatches brought by the regular mail had hardly been made public in a Supplement to the Gazette of Friday, when the Government received and published on Saturday evening the following telegraphic message from Sir John Crampton, supplied to him by the Russian Government-

" Foreign Office, December 15.

" Intelligence has been received at the Foreign-office this afternoon, through St. Petersburg, from Pekin, up to the 9th of November, stating that peace was concluded on the 26th of October, and the ratifications exchanged. " On the 5th of November, the Allied forces evacuated Pekin, and the Emperor was expected immediately to return to his capital." The following telegrams have been subsequently received-

" Foreign Office, December 20.—The following telegram has been re- ceived this afternoon from Sir J. Crampton, dated St. Petersburg, December 20, 1 p.m. 'Prince Gortschakoff has communicated to me the following report from General Ignatieff, of the European massacre by the Chinese :

" 'English : De Norman, Mr. Bruce's Attache ; Anderson, chief of Lord Elgin's escort ; the Correspondent of the Times. " French : Dubost, intendant of the French expedition, one of his Aide- de-camps, and a Colonel of Artillery. These are the only names cited by General Ignatieff, but the total number of victims is nineteen.' " "Foreign Office, December 20.—Sir John Crampton reports yesterday that Lord Elgin, in a letter of the 8th of November, informs him of the rati- fication and publication of the Treaty with China, and of the march of the army to Tien-tsin. His Lordship makes no mention of the prisoners, but states that he was indebted to General Ignatieff for the manner in which that Minister had promoted the object of his negotiations."

These telegrams detract in a great degree from the interest of the- documents printed in the Gazette ; but it necessary to give some account of them in order that the thread of the story may not be broken. These documents consist of four despatches from Lord Elgin to Lord John Russell, with enclosures, and two from Sir Hope Grant to Mr. Sidney- Herbert. There is, besides, a statement from Mr. Loch, describing his captivity.

The military movements are altogether without interest. The army marched round the North-east angle of Pekin, and encamped on the Northern face, expecting to meet an enemy who had fallen back. The French moving unseen by the rear of our forces, who had halted, discovered the summer palace of the Emperor, which was watched by our artillery and cavalry. The French went in and sacked the place, as already described, and our soldiers came in for the leavings of their Allies. The chief fact is, that this sacking of the summer palace pro- duced an immense effect on the mandarins and caused them to come to a speedier conclusion. But they were aided by a powerful battery, thrown up outside the North face, to break a way into Pekin, and, as already stated, seeing this determination, a gate was surrendered.

The diplomatic history is curious. In his first despatch, on the 23d of September, the Prince of Ling takes high ground. He wonders that there should be any alarm about " a few British subjects who may be missing," and says that if the British desire peace, they will take the men of war out of Taku, and when the different concessions are disposed of,

then the officers may be sent back. Lord Elgin replies on the 25th, telling the Prince that the officas, French and English, were perfidiously seized, and that their captors are exposed to the just vengeance of the army, but to give a further proof of a desire for peace, three days are allowed for their surrender, the Convention shall be signed at Tung-chow, and the ratifications exchanged in Pekin. If these conditions are refused, the army shall advance. At the same time, Lord Elgin declared that the army must pass the winter at Tien-tsin, as " the bad faith, evasions, and delays " of the Chinese Government have made it inexpedient to proceed further. Baron Gros concurs, and Sir Hope Grant is ready to winter at Tien-tsin. A question was raised by the Prince of Kung about the pre- sentation of a letter from the Queen to the Emperor, but Lord Elgin cut him short by declaring that this was a matter of courtesy, and not of war. On the 27th, the Prince of Rung admits that all the treaty demands of the allies are conceded; but still evades a direct reply to the demand for the prisoners. He throws the blame of their seizure on the former Commissioners, and says he has or- dered that they shall be comfortably lodged and cared for. Lord Elgin had spoken of the probable downfal of the dynasty, and the destruction of Pekin as a consequence of resistance. The Prince of Rung is shocked, boasts of the immense amount of force he can dispose of, but thinks it better that "neither side should do injury to friendly relations by fur- ther talk of the struggle between them." Lord Elgin, on ,the 28th, firmly but politely, reiterates his demands—the surrender of the pri- soners, the signature of the Convention, and the ratification of the treaty. On the 29th, the Prince of Kung suggests that an advance of the army may imperil the safety of the prisoners, and suggests that it shall fall back. If the army will fall back all can be arranged, and the prisoners can be given up. The answer on the 30th was, that Lord Elgin had no alternative but to acquaint the Commander-in-chief of the unsatisfactory result of the correspondence. When the army did advance, the Prince of Kung remained steadfast to his proposal that the army should fall back, but after the sack of the summer palace he wrote in manifest alarm. Mr. Parkes was allowed, under some restraint, to communicate with Mr. Wade. Means were found of communicating with Parkes and Loch, and letting them know what was doing. Finally, several pri- soners were given up, and, as the army continued to operate, and the guns were in position, the Chinese gave way at the eleventh hour, the summons for the surrender of the An-ting gate of Pekin was complied with, and the troops were encamped on the broad pavement of the wall. A curious statement is made by the Prince of Kung, as regards the absence of the Emperor. The Prince says that "the Emperor is obliged by law to hunt in the autumn, and he has already set out on his journey," a statement which, if true, negatives the idea of flight. Mr. Loch has narrated in a despatch to Lord Elgin, his captivity. After narrating the capture of himself and Mr. Parkes, and having de- scribed how they got separated from Mr. Bowlby, Captain Anderson and the escort, he tells how they were taken to the General, and "shoved down on their knees in the dirt" before him. Then they were driven off in a cart, the jolting of which caused great pain ; but soon their hands we tightly bound behind their backs, and deprived of their property. anaven away in a common country cart, they suffered " agonies." Some officials got into the cart.

"These men caused me great tortures by lifting up my arms, which seemed tearing them out of their sockets. The old Sikh sowar behaved with calm endurance. 1 told him not to fear, we were in God's hands. Ah ! Sahib he said, do not fear ; I am sixty ; if I do not die today I may tomorrow ; and I am with you, I do not fear.' "

It was dark when they entered Pekin. They were taken before the Board of Punishments, and Mr. Loch was beaten for not speaking Chinese. Iron collars were put round their necks, with a heavy chain attached, and they were conducted to separate prisons. Here Mr. Loch was thrust in among felons and murderers, but they were all kind to him. The gaolers "laid me down on a board like a guard-room bed, and chained me up by my neck chain to a beam over my head." The pri- soners gave him food, washed his face, and secured him a seat, but the mandarins who came made him kneel down and abused him. Ultimately his chains were taken off, and he was joined by Mr. Parkes, who had re- fused to be released from chains unless Mr. Loch were released also. On the 8th they were driven to a gate of Pekin in a c-..rt, and turned out to find their way to the camp.

NEM Efalaub.—Advices from New Zealand through Melbourne to the 10th of October, take a more favourable view of the activity of General Pratt, but contemplate the renewal of the war by the Natives about this time. But letters direct from Taranaki and Auckland are very unfavourable. They record various military movements.

General Pratt took the field with 1500 men. No sooner did the Na- tives open fire, than a retreat was determined upon, though the Volun- teers were ready to advance into the bush. One dead body and several military accoutrements fell into the hands of an enemy, variously esti- mated at 100, 50, and " less than 50," strong. On September 19, Major Hutchinson, with 600 men, destroyed several small pahs, but abandoned the attack of a large pah for want of mortars. A force numbering 600 bayonets and three guns, under Colonel Leslie, had strict orders not to return the enemy's fire, in case they should interfere with the filling up of certain trenches which served as a cover for Native marksmen. The Natives did interfere, and wounded three men. On the 9th of October, General Pratt, with about 1000 men and some heavy guns, went out This expedition bad not returned to camp when the mail left, but it had already declined the siege of a pah of somewhat more than average strength.