tion, except as it furthers and aids future construction in
cause for a plea that revolt against them is revolt against some larger and nobler sense, is more utterly uncongenial. oppression. They refuse to Bohemians and Galicians no Look at the grand and yet far from fantastic dream of the privilege which we grant to Welshmen or Highlanders. All confederation of our Colonies, and of a durable bond of friend- classes and provinces elect their members in the same way ; ship (not Confederation, as the telegraphic report at first mis- all enjoy the same liberties ; all are equally admissible to represented his language) between all the English-speaking every office and post in the service of the State. One lan- communities of the world with which his speech con- gaage, it is true, is employed by the State, as in England, but cludes,—and compare it, on the one hand, with the scheme that language is the language of the majority, is in itself, by- suggested, we believe, by Mr. Cobden, and conceived only in the admission of its opponents, the key to a literature such as the interests of disarmament and economy, for some European no other tongue in Austria possesses, and is not only the most tribunal which might settle all European disputes, and so dis- convenient, but the only convenient medium of intercourse pense with huge national armies,—and, on the other hand, with the world. Meanwhile, nothing prevents any Bohemian, with the disintegrating and laissez-faire principles of most or Galician, or Dalmatian from cultivating any language he modern Radicals. It is because every political thought which likes, or priding himself upon his race, or dressing in any Mr. Forster has is founded in the deepest reverence for the costume he pleases, or if there remain any traces of unjust rights and duties of the people, that he is thus bold in assert- inequality, the combined representatives of the nationalities ing the sacredness of national, and imperial, and more than could easily compel the Reichsrath to remove them.
imperial duties,—the common duties of a brotherhood of It seems to us that in Cis-Leithan Austria the Centralist side closely-related nations,—in words which may at first seem is the Liberal side, and we do not regret that the Kaiser has. to Conservatives to betray a Conservative bias. In point of finally preferred that policy, and allowed the Federalist fact, nothing indicates the depth of Mr. Forster's Liberalism minority in his Cabinet to resign. He could as Kaiser so clearly as this distinct recognition of the duties which scarcely do anything else. His German subjects are in a clear community of blood, of character, of institutions, and of majority, they are quite able to insist on having their own. traditions imposes. He is beyond suspicion of any narrow way, and they are fanatic in their determination not to be prejudice in favour of the past. He is beyond suspicion ruled by non-Germanic men. Sooner than be so ruled they of any selfish, though in a narrow sense patriotic dream will upset the existing organization, accept the Hohenzollerns, of glory for England, such as the old Tories have and reconstitute an united and extremely powerful German indulged in. And for that very reason he can profess Empire. They may be wrong, and are certainly a little unfair- openly his faith in a constructive policy based on popular in pushing their determination to this extreme length ; but it ideas, and show his exact appreciation of that negative must not be forgotten that the Teuton is at bottom very like Radicalism which, great as has been its achievements, is no the Anglo-Saxon, and that throughout the world, though longer the want of our time. Every year of Mr. Forster's everywhere present, no body of ten thousand English-speaking political life increases the confidence of all thoughtful political men obeys another race. They absolutely refuse to do it, and observers in the great future before him, as it assuredly adds to in the few instances in which they have been unable to insist his general popularity and to the-weight attaching to his Parlia- upon setting up their own government they have silently but mentary achievements and his ministerial proposals. No man instantly retired. It is as certain as anything in politics can combines so happily a singular loyalty to his leaders with be that concession to the nationalities would have ended in a singular independence and individuality of character as a the drifting of the Germans towards Berlin, and the Hapsburgs,. statesman. with their history, their cultivation, and their family ties, could not be expected peaceably to surrender their position in. THE CABINET CRISIS IN VIENNA. Europe, more especially as they have as yet no reason to
THE instincts of British Liberals sometimes take the very despair of dualism. It is said that Count Beust does despair, oddest directions. Professor Huxley the other day gave but able man as he is, Count Beust has never yet quite a lecture, in which he essayed to show that England and understood either the position or the impulses of his• Ireland were peopled by the same race, or rather by the same countrymen, and to outsiders power appears to rest two races, who in both countries are blended together into an entirely with the Germans. Nobody doubts that if supported undistinguishable whole. The Liberal journals thought that by them the Kaiser can hold down the remainder of his sub- proposition looked very much like " justice to Ireland," like an jects on this side of the Leitha, where the Germans are as admission that, appearances notwithstanding, an Irishman was nineteen to eleven in numbers, are infinitely wealthier, an as good as an Englishman, so they swallowed it down whole, are possessed of that aptitude for coherent action which comes quite forgetting that the direct result of the Professor's of civilization. They have before this ruled the whole empire, teaching must be to intensify the worst of British prejudices, and they can surely rule the half in which they have a the notion that because an institution suits England it must majority. Moreover, no victory obtained by the non-German suit Ireland too. Of course, truth is truth ; but the Professor's populations within Austria could possibly be conclusive. The idea was not accepted because it was true, but because it Kaiser if driven too hard has only to make one more sacrifice, seemed to chime in with the policy of the day. There is just to forget his pride and offer Berlin a hearty alliance even if the same sort of obedience to instinct in the disposition to she comes South of the Main, and resistance must per favour federalism in Cis-Leithan Austria. Why, in the name force cease in presence of a powe" which would be as of Liberalism, is the Federal side in that Empire necessarily strong as if Germany were finally welded into one. the Liberal side Are we going to support a Welsh claim to It is difficult to believe that the non-German popu- autonomy, or give the Orkneys a local Parliament., or divide lations are unaware of these facts, or that the Germans, Yorkshire from the kingdom, or allow Cornwall to make any with such immense reserves of power behind them, with a. laws it likes I—and if not, why are we to advocate a similar resolution to do equal justice, and with consciences clear of process of disintegration within German Austria? Liberty is race oppression, will be unable by slow degrees to weld Cis- not concerned in the matter, and the argument from civiliza- Leithan Austria into one compact kingdom, governed by a tion tends all the other way. Suppose Austria federalized, single free Parliament, and by a family against which there has and what would be the result ? In the Tyrol no Protestant been as yet no protest. It is said that as yet the Reichsrath would be able to live. In Galicia all energy would be wasted is not strong enough, the deputies of the two divisions being in a hopeless effort to re-establish the independence and unity from the mode of election too equally divided, so equally that of Poland. In Bohemia a less civilized majority would, amidst if the Czech deputies attended the Centralist majority incessant rioting, attempt to crush down a more civilized would be outnumbered ; but this can be easily cor- minority, and in the German provinces all progress would rected by instituting direct elections, when the Germans be arrested by an internecine struggle between the friends of must be permanently in the ascendant, as the English• United Germany and the friends of the House of Hapsburg. are within the United Kingdom, where nevertheless the Meanwhile the common Sovereign would become more and feeblest of the three countries has often the most potent more the King of Hungary, and the " mission" of Austria, voice. This is, we take it, the reform desired by the Cen- that is, the work for which it is expedient that she should tralists, and we cannot but think it is one entirely con- keep her place in Europe, would remain undone. The Ger- sonant with Liberalism, giving as it does to each race the manic is the only high civilization which can be spread position to which it is entitled. No doubt, owing to the through the valley of the Danube, and it had better be spread circumstances of the country, a German majority would be by an influence gentler and more sympathetic than an irre- ruling a semi-Slavon or Slavon minority, but that is at least sistible United Germany would be likely to prove. On as fair as that a Slavon majority in Bohemia and Galicia. the other hand, the centralists are not in any way giving should rule a German minority, which would be the conse-
quence of federalism. A preponderance of that kind exists in every country of Europe except Italy, and is absolutely essential to the existence of almost every great nation, exist- ence which within the United Kingdom Liberals find quite consistent with their Liberalism. There is no plea for the autonomy of Bohemia which does not also tend towards the autonomy of Ireland, and the majority of the Cabinet in resisting Federalism are but doing what our own Cabinet would do if it were compelled to discuss Repeal.
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