TOPICS OF THE DAY.

THE GREAT DEBATE OF THE WEER.

SO ninny issues, direct and collateral, were involved in the debate on Mr. Cardwell's resolutions, that it is scarcely possible to dis- entangle them satisfactorily, and to place in a clear light the in- terests that were really at stake in the decision. Beside the pri- mary questions of the wisdom or righteousness respectively of the Canning proclamation and the Ellenborough despatah, there was the English party question the question of English Government, which, as our readers will have perceived, we consider the really paramount, pressing, practical question for Englishmen in the present conjuncture of affairs. Indeed, it is not too muck to affirm that the difficulties involved in the consideration of the despatch and the proclamation, were entirely owing to the state of transition in which the party of the majority is involved. No- thing but that transition gave to Lord. Derby the opportunity which occasioned this difficulty. A Government of the mi- nority in Parliamentary affairs is not well placed for independent statesmanship. And in the case of the present Ministry the diffi- culty was aggravated by the want of independent moral power in Lord. Derby and his colleagues. It is true that ttehnexeAlid not seek office ; and this. journal would gladly have ex to them a. certain support, in the conviction that the Liberal party required. reorganization before returning to power. But they rendered sunk support almost impossible from the first, by a course of vacilla- tion and moral subservience, which very naturally tempted the

leaders of the 0 .sition to endeavour to thrust them without ceremony from o cc. But we still remain of opinion that the

cause of future good and strong government would not have been

advanced, by a return of the Liberal party, without previous re- construction, to power, and we could not but view without much

anxiety the possibility of a dissolution of Parliament upon such

questions and cries as would have arisen out of the debate of this week. We can see nothing intelligible and express that would have been referred to the decision of the people : we could see nothing serviceable to the state in the victory of either of the angry contending parties. The arguments on both sides, upon the proclamation and the despatch, appear strained and unnatural. It is not reasonable to

talk, as Ministerialists did, as though the proclamation of Lord Canning showed an intention of devastating and depopulating, of rooting up a population, of repeating in Oude the story of the Palatinate. On the other hand it is equally irrational to deny-,

as the Opposition did, that there is an element of serious im- policy, if not injustice, in the proclamation. Certainly this denial

does not represent the opinion of General Outram. Nor does it represent the opinion unless they are greatly belied, of the most eminent military authorities of India, of the Campbells, the Law- renees, the Franks and Mansfields, who have been fighting our battles, and may be supposed to have a keener insight into what will give strength to the enemy's arm, than we gentlemen of Eng- land, who "live at home in ease." And it is impossible in this. connexion not to be struck with the fact that has come to light,- that it was under the direct overruling control of the Governor- General that Sir C. Campbell operated against Lucknow, instead of first clearing, as he had proposed to himself, surrounding dis- tricts; it being the Governor-General's intention to issue the pro- clamation when Lucknow was taken. There seems to have existed in the mind of the Governor-General a desire to have Lucknow for the sake of the policy of the intended proclamation. These things taken together appear to indicate a want of insight into the true military exigencies of our position in India. It is not pos- sible for any man to protest more energetically than General Out- ram did against the proposed proclamation, in a military point of view. He warns the Governor-General that it involves a pro- tracted guerilla warfare of the most perilous kind : the destruc- tion of thousands of Europeans, and in feet almost an insuperable difficulty to an English army comparatively unsupported by natives. To issue the proclamation in face of this warning appears to us a fault in policy, so grave, as quite to put out of view the otherwise very important question of the substantial wisdom, as a measure of ultimate legislation, of the proposed dealings with the talookdars of Oude. Whatever they

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may have been, n previous conduct, and, however small their numbers, it is not possible to view with equanimity a process of confiscation, which is to be followed by the "extirpation, root and branch, of this class of men," to use General Outaam's words.

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There something too radical, too subversive, too merely doc- trinaire in this dealing with all the proprietors of a nation, to suit either the wisdom of the ease, or the ordinary habits of the English mind. It is true that, under the pressure of General Outram's remonstrances, a mitigating paragraph was added by Lord Canning. But it certainly does not seem clear, upon a fair interpretation of the document taken as a whole, that the pro- clamation' whether viewed in the light of policy, or justice, is cured by that paragraph. The confiscation at the outset is too wide, sweeping, and express, for its dangers to be obviated by a vague promise of indulgent consideration.

We have before expressed our opinion, in such terms of un- measured reprobation, of the Ellenborongh despatch, that it is not necessary now to repeat them. There can be no doubt that, as a published state document, it is without a parallel. As a secret document, its principal fault would be a too curt and un- civil mode of dealing with Lord Canning: a thing which Lord

Ellenborough, as a political opponent, might, with better taste, have avoided. We do not call this a small matter ; for in public things nothing is small ; and the courtesy of man to man is no inconsiderable item in the healthy progress of free states. But at all events, as compared with the other questions involved, that point of courtesy is of comparatively small importance. The grave error in relation to the despatch was its publication. To speak of its matter, even as regards the unwise speculative dis- -mission on Oude, as treasonable, marks the length to which party passion carried the Opposition in the debate. If the Minister of a sovereign may not in secret documents discuss with the agents of his master points of infirmity in the title to a province, it is difficult to see how he can do his duty with safety to his sovereign or himself. It might be done with more of the state-paper style than Lord Ellenborough employed ; but sometimes it must be done. But as regards the question of style, substance, and publication alike, there was great reason for contending that the political extinction of the author of the proclamation satisfied the requirements of the case. Every acute observer must have seen from the first, that the colleagues of Lord Ellenborough, though they sanctioned a despatch to qualify Lord Canning's proclamation really never knew its terms until after they pro- mised its publication. The indiscretion and rashness of their proceedings cannot be too strongly characterized. But after all their original error was in committing to an uncontrollable head- strong man of genius, almost too strong in his convictions of statesmanship, such an edge-tool as the right of sending unex- amined despatches to India. And from that error the Ministry was purged by the self-immolation of Lord Ellenborough, just as much as was the Administration of Lord Palmerston, three years ago, by the retirement of Lord John. The unconquerable love of fair-play, innate to Englishmen's breasts, dislikes the application of different rules to two cases substantially the same. That much has happened, during the course of these proceedings, which fairly lays the Government open to censure, we have strongly urged. But that, after the retirement of Lord Ellenborough, it was either necessary, or useful, or likely to conduce to good go- vernment to pursue them to the death, we must take leave to doubt. And we are satisfied that had it not been for the move- ment in the Liberal party which demands a "wider basis" for the next Liberal Government, and which it was felt must, at all hazards, be distracted by the overpowering excitement of other events, the attempt would not have been made. It may be perhaps pardoned in a journal, which has from the first moment of its existence steadily endeavoured to look to the interests of no mere party, but to the cause of the nation, and of good government alone, if it inquires what was proposed to be gained, in those directions, by the party proceedings of this week. "We wish to eject you from power, was frankly said by some of the younger Liberal speakers. By all means. Nobody objects to expelling the Government of Lord Derby from power, provided the parties expelling are prepared with some definite reply to the question of the Great Duke, whose death was indeed a loss to England, "how the Queen's Government is to be carried on." Was it supposed that a new Parliament elected to the cry of "4 Talookdars for ever," or "Down with Talookdars," will settle that serious question of the breaking-up of the Legislature into sections, which is the great difficulty of Parliamentary Govern- ment? With every disposition to be indulgent in our construction of what men do, we must say that we do not in the least under- stand the course taken by the Liberal leaders as statesmen, and men of sense. The meeting in Committee -rooin No. 11 may have been a coup manqué. But it certainly indicates a disruption and discontent in the party of the supposed majority, which leave to Lord Palmerston but little prospect of reconstructing his Govern- ment, inn durable form, without paying some regard to that great fact. And we confess that we do not see what honour or ad- vantage there can be in going back to power only to wield a pre- carious authority. For the safety and welfare of the country such a course is objectionable in the highest degree. No other result could have followed the division than this, except the scramble of a general election. But surely it has been enough to have once in a century a dissolution upon a mere accident of policy, thousands of leagues from home. In 1857 it was the ainese lorcha on which men voted ; in 1858 it was proposed to be the Oude talookdars. If the appeals to the people are so ordered, that they are sure not to consider the duties which lie closest to their hand at home and in Europe, what hope can there be of a Parliament expressing clearly the popular sentiments and desires ; what of a working Ministry, with a working majority ? The country cannot afford to be perpetually changing its Adminis-

trations. or can it afford to have its attention drawn away from pressing necessities, and perhaps dangers affecting the metro- politan seat of empire, by events occurring in distant quarters of the globe. There is a time for everything under the sun, and the present time certainly seems to belong to the Government of England question. Let it never be forgotten that great empires have perished before now, because of perpetually corroding war- fares or revolts, or incursions, at their extremities. What sane man can fail to see that the power of England, so far as it de- pends upon a vigorous wielding of the administration of the em- pire's policy at home, is weakened to a most serious degree by the events of the present year ? The country requires a strong go- vernment; and nothing can give it a strong government but a closing of the breach between the Liberal leaders and the ma- jority. And we deplore the absence of a real serious and ear- nest disposition to bring about a result so indispensable to the na- tion.

We have thought it necessary to dwell earnestly and at some length on these points, because they seem to be paramount to the question of the proclamation and the despatch. If, as is the proud boast of many Englishmen, the government of the country lies in the House of Commons, it is clear that a vote intended to displace one Ministry and substitute another, must be considered not only in reference to the particular question involved, but in reference to that large question of government and state. Nothing can be plainer than the duty, which statesmen who displace one Administration owe to their Queen and the country, to be able to furnish another with some prospect of permanence. Can the gen- tlemen who joined in the assault on Lord Derby's Government aver that they took pains to comply with this sovereign political duty ?

Upon the express issues of Mr. Cardwell's motion we said last week that we deplored a decision which should even appear to sanction a policy of confiscation, whose aspect is certainly not less grave and objectionable, whether in the point of view of legis- lative or belligerent policy, at this moment, than it was on its first announcement. And we equally object to a strained censure upon a Ministry for indiscretions not greater than some which have been passed over in the Liberal Administrations of the last five years, and after the principal offender had been already po-

litically for the fault. We do not think that the question of want of confidence in an Administration should be tried upon technical grounds. It should be faced in all its direct- ness. For so only will those who support it be able to see that they are dealing, not merely with a question of speculative debate, but with the highest interests of good stable government for the greatest empire in the world, the safety, honour, and welfare of her Majesty and her dominions." Upon the questions involved in the proclamation and the despatch we will not now enter more at large. For there can be no use in discussing ques- tions for which, as the event so amply showed, there are not sufficient materials for wise decision. Presumptively, the ease is decided against Lord Canning, for present and practical purposes, by the apparent consensus of the opinions of the military states- men of India against his course. And we fear that neither in India nor in England, from the first, has the question of the pacification of India, in its military and legislative parts, been so much considered as the carrying out of precon- ceived ideas. The real issue of this week has been the question of Administration and Downing Street. The procla- mation and despatch have been but a feigned issue after all. But again and again we say, the time is not yet ripe for a trial of that real issue ; for a transfer of the powers of administration. We rejoice that a perception of this fact dawned at last upon the minds of the Opposition leaders, and induced them to withdraw Mr. Cardwell's resolution. The very serious aspect of the confis- cation question, presented by the later news from India, rendered it indeed impossible to proceed. Time now has been gained for reflection. Events have given a striking rebuke to the violent high-handed proceedings of the Opposition leaders. Will they make use of that time, and profit by that lesson ?