NORTHERN IRELAND

The reluctant knight errant

MARTIN WALLACE

Bellmr—The situation in Northern Ireland

has escalated rapidly in recent weeks, and

there is still no sign of a lasting solution—

let alone a short-term one. The use of British army units, though, had an immedi- te impact in Londonderry, where the essen-

tial conflict has been between the Roman atholic Bogsiders and the police they have ome to fear and distrust. In Belfast there d been direct and bloody clashes between otestants and Catholics, and the troops ound themselves (as the police so often ye) trying to separate two hostile groups. t is not easy in the warren of tiny streets hich link the Falls, Shankill and Crumlin oad areas, particularly since guns have me into play.

There were fears that the use of troops eht make the situation worse rather than tter. The Nationalist party in the North as condemned the move; the government the Republic of Ireland is similarly local. But, ironically, there was an un- ,uhrea welcome from the Catholic resi- Jas of Bogside (who preferred dis- crested Knights Errant to the regular lice and the B Specials) and of the Falls old. It was an irony in direct succession the civil rights movement's continued ii for British standards of social justice in a-thern Ireland; for though the move- nt has attempted to be non-sectarian, in dctice its supporters are overwhelmingly aholics, and the Protestant majority is reasingly distrustful of its aims. Certainly the nature of the movement , changed. Originally, it stressed that its mpaign was in no way an attack on rthern Ireland's constitutional position. av many civil rights leaders believe that v will never achieve their objectives Ile there is a Unionist administration at rmont; they think increasingly in terms intervention by Westminster, by the Public of Ireland, even by the United !ions. An emotive statement from the rthern Ireland Civil Rights Association ,ke of a 'war of genocide'. and called on government and people of the Repub- io 'act now to prevent a great national

ght-wing Unionists see all this as a dication of their lo.ng-standing conten- that Republicans were using the civil "ts movement to achieve a united Ire-

d under Dublin rule, particularly since lay has announced that armed units e been sent to the North. Certainly, the ct of recent events has been to harden ieNtant opinion generally, and last week's rgency sitting at Stormont indicated Aute Unionist support for Prime Mini- Chichester-Clark's references to youth- hooligans and to 'sinister forces' at k in Derry. The sitting revealed a corn- ,: gulf between the government and the osition, most of whom finally walked of the Commons; it brought to an end

s raised by the February election, ri four civil rights leaders were elected arliament, that the civil rights debate t be brought off the streets and into debating chamber.

e sitting also formally broueht to an end the period of improved North-South relations inaugurated by the Lemass- O'Neill meetings in 1965. Major Chichester- Clark left no doubt about that.

But how far has Northern Ireland's status been affected by this latest outburst of violence? The Unionist view is that there has been, and will be. no change; the British government was quick to turn down Mr. Lynch's proposals and reaffirm the pledge in the 1949 Ireland Act that Northern Ireland would not cease to be part of the United Kingdom without Stor- mont's consent. It is pointed out that British troops were widely used during the IRA campaign of 1956-1961. and there was no suggestion then that constitutional ques- tions were involved. But an internal peace- keeping operation is a different matter. and the increasing use of troops must cast doubt on the ability of the Ulster govern- ment to maintain law and order alter the army has left the streets.

Very many Catholics have lost faith in the police. The B Specials, an auxiliary force which originated in the troubled 1920s, has always been feared and dis- trusted—but now the regular police have been widely accused of brutality and par- tiality. It is true that there are still many parts of Northern Ireland (and of Belfast itself) which have never seen a baton charge or heard a shot fired; it is true that most people want above all to live in peace. But if there remains a substantial number of people showing unrelenting hostility to the forces of law and order, the Ulster crisis will not be resolved.

In none ot Major Chichester-Clark's state- ments is there any indication that he is likely to carry out a successful mission of reconciliation; despite his appeals for peace. he is not talking a language which will bridge the widening divisions in the com- munity. The Northern Ireland government sees the simple maintenance of law and order as the crux of the situation; its opponents believe that there must be a fundamental change of attitude on the Unionist side. The government still has a considerable reform programme to carry out as quickly as parliamentary time will permit, but as the situation deteriorates its opponents become less and less satisfied with these—and distrustful of their imple-

mentation. When the Prime Minister called a peace conterence at Stormont Castle on Monday, no representative of the parlia- mentary opposition or of the civil rights movement was invited.

It would seem that the British govern- ment s tiaditionai attitude is unchanged. Mr Callaghan has made it plain that he is reluctant to become directly involved in Northern Ireland's allairs. and prefers instead to look fairly generously on Stor- mont's appeals for assistance. This attitude is not fundamentally changed by the decision to transfer control oi the police to the carc Northern Ireland. although this move may help to diminish the doubts about their impartiality.

One thing is clear : the events of the past year have created deep divisions in North- ern Ireland. and the wounds will not easily be healed. It is doubtful if they can be healed without a radical change in the present political framework. One possibility is a revolution in the internal politics of Northern Ireland, so that the moderates who believe in reconciliation between Pro- testants and Catholics have effective political expression of their views. They have been leaderless since Captain O'Neill's position was undermined, but the emergence of a new party—Unionist by definition, but more obviously devoted to reform and re- conciliation than the present Unionist party—cannot be ruled out. But what can be done to cure the ancient sectarian hatreds which are apparent in the streets of Belfast? It seems that they have been given a new lease of life.