NEWS OF THE WEEK. .
THE attempt to assassinate the Emperor Napoleon, immediately before the opening of his legislative session, enabled him to take up a position stronger than any he had yet assumed, and afforded the opportunity for a declaration of his policy, which may be politic, but is at all events daring. Although it is impossible that even places could have been taken for any such attempt without some complicity in Paris, most likely among French persons, the preliminary inquiries that have been made rather suggest the suspicion that the principals in the crime are foreigners, and be- long to an extremely restricted party. The nature of the attack has, at the same time, been more completely explained. The Emperor's going to-the theatre was foreknown ; hand-grenades of an unusually. elaborate kind had been prepared, and they were thrown befoi•e his carriage as it advanced—three of them ; they were certain to destroy, although they were destitute of aim ; and an assassin stood ready with dagger and revolver to make surety doubly sure. It seems extremely probable that the chief actor is the Count Felice Orsini, whose escape from the Austrian prisons rendered him for a time conspicuous in this country. The public bodies which addressed the Emperor in congratulation hurried to the conclusion that the scheme had been concocted in some foreign country, and that it involved the Italian refugees generally ; presumptions which are not yet con- firmed. The mistakes of others, however, have enabled the Em- peror Napoleon to assume a position which has the appearance of great moderation. He did not instantly accept the suggestion that demands should be made upon foreign Governments for preventing such. conspiracies ; and although a report to that effect got abroad, he has refrained from committing himself to the public appearance of taking such a step, but has, on the con- trary, accepted the responsibilities of self-defence.
The attempt formed a striking portion of his speech towards the conclusion, and probably modified more than half of the whole discourse. He began by describing the exceedingly pros- perous condition of Frame at home and abroad, her material progress, her alliances, her influence ; her power to lend good offices on invitation between Prussia and Switzerland ; her absti- nence from mecicitmag with the question of the Duchies while it remained a Germ* question ; her dignified willingness to dis- cuss differences of opinion on the Principalities question in a con- ciliatory spirit. The marked Onion to the new allies, their good offices and loyal cooperation, with the avowal of a regret at having fought against them, appears to indicate a new purpose. But before making a really eloquent use of the attack upon himself, he reviewed what may be called the constitutional ques- tion of France, and referred specifically to the opposition at the eleo- tions. While attempts are made to contest the fundamental bases of government, he said, it would be impossible to accord those institutions for which the people are impatient. "The present danger does not exist in the excessive prerogatives of power, but rather in the absence of repressive laws." He likens the position of his own dynasty to that of England immediately after the Re- volition; and in defence of his throne he announces "new [WITH SUPPLEMENT.]
means of silencing extreme and annoying oppositions "—amongst them, an oath to the constitution for every elector before present- ing himself as a candidate. The late attempt furnishes him with evidence for the necessity of such measures. This speech has been much praised, and not unnaturally it is exceedingly effec- tive; but it has its weak points and something more. Compare the state of France with the condition of this country, with the whole history of Belgium under the present dynasty, or with the condition of Piedmont, and it may fairly be gathered from the comparison that repressive measures do not answer. Will oaths be a better defence ? We remember that Louis Napoleon him- self wore fidelity to the Republic, without securing the continu- ance of that regime. The recent crime has excited horror at its excess, and also at the wickedness of risking a civil commotion where the means of success are so slight and visionary. Could Louie Napolean boast any greater probability of success when he ventilated the wings of his eagle at Boulogne, or the Imperial boots at Strasbourg ? The shedding of innocent blood is the worst part of the late attempt ; but what offence against Louis Napoleon had been committed by the Lieutenant at Boulogne who came out to parley with him and met his death by the hand of a conspirator against the state—Louis Napoleon ? The material good that Louis Napoleon has effected for France will live after him ; the institutions which have been promised under his patron- age are, it seems, a Deferred Stock, avowedly less near the account than the "Spanish Actives."
The speech is followed up by a Ministerial report preliminary on the repressive measures, and an Imperial decree. The Minis- ter of the Interior ascribes the recent event to a "sect of assassins" in Europe who send their "hired assassins" into France, and to the fragments of ancient parties who expect an impossible resurrection from anarchy. "To meet this emer- gency, various measures" will be proposed, but one is available already—she suppression of journals which covertly or overtly make themselves the organs of agitators; and this measure is at once applied to the Revue de Paris and the Speetateur, which are suppressed. The act appears to be but a faint sample of the " various " measures in store ; for which the obsequious Billault claims the model of William the Third in England.
We now have a new position on the part of Napoleon. He avows the most cordial alliance with all the Powers, of whom he might play off one against the other. He claims oblivion for the past so far as memory would injure himself; he demands implicit credit for the future, even in the name of "liberty." Meanwhile, he consolidates his defences against all parties in the state save his own, tramples to dust the "fragments" of any constitutional opposition, forbids written or spoken thought save of the regulation pattern, and demands to be intrusted with more repressive powers a discretion.
The Prime Minister in possession of the Spanish Cabinet is M. Isturitz,—or at least he was so at the date of the last ad- vices ; for a Spanish Minister is as unstable as the winds or the last quotation of the Funds. The Queen, it seems, made a slight mistake in accepting Armero's resignation when she ought to have let him dissolve the Cortes. She acted on the advice of the Tory Camarilla, which dreads a more liberal Cortes ; whereas the real danger to her throne lies in the advance of the Legiti- mist party, whom her Bing Consort suicidally patronizes. The affairs of Spain would be wholly uninteresting to England, if it were not that principles can be conveniently studied in extremes, and Constitutional Spain may be kept in view as a political Helot.
President Buchanan has disappointed enemies more than friends, by recognizing the "grave error" of Captain Paulding in his trespass on Nicaraguan territory, but supporting the Cap- tain in his resolute breaking-up of Walker's position, as vir- tually a favour to Nicaragua, and a vindication of his country's neutrality and good faith. At the same time, the longheaded statesman maintains his own position, by reiterating his opinion that in the natural course of things the Anglo-Saxon will settle Central Ameriva. It is an opinion, not a policy ; but opinions are policies in the egg.
[LATEST EDITION.)
The latest Indian mails are tamest devoid of what can be called news. Some writers art drawing inferences that Si, Colin Campbell's poshion was not so sound Os it has beim dale scribed to be. On the ditto hand, the liatites appear to hall* been deeply impressed with the vigour shown by etunptell in routing the Gwalior Contingent ; and it is reported that villagers refused shelter even to fugitives who belonged to the place. On the whole, the work of reducing the mutiny appears to be steadily proceeding.
The East /radio. Company has at last come forward in proper person, and has under its consideration a petition in which it appeals from the Prime Minister to the Houses of Parliament. The petition is a compact and not an unimpressive pleading against the discontinuance of the Company, and in favour of no funda- mental change ; while it represents that the Directors of the Com- pany have always been favourable to any improvements. After repeated inquiries, they say, the Legislature has invariably re- newed the Company's charter, although with modifications. The last change occurred after an interval of three-quarters of a cen- tury, and a sufficient time has not elapsed since the renewal of the charter to give the system as it now stands a fair trial. But while the Company advances this and many other reasons against any change, a large part of the petition, towards the close, is em- ployed in even a more vigorous debating argument for the esta- blishment of a Council to aid the new Minister of State for India. The Council, says the petition, should be not less numerous than the Directorate of the Company, but more numerous ; its members should be independent of the Minister, able in a certain de- gree to influence his action ; it should stand apart from Parlia- mentary interference, or from the access of political corruption; it should be as independent as the bench of Judges, but no mem- ber of it should be, like the Judges, irremoveable. The argu- ment, in fact, reverts to the first position, that it would be best to maintain the Directorate, relieved, perhaps, of too much annoy- ance from the Proprietary, greatly recruited, and rendered more important. A natural corporate egotism dictates this effort of self-preservation; but there is considerable force in the argu- ment, which chimes in well with the popular jealousy of increasing centralized patronage.
The defect of the petition is, that it does not assist in the slightest degree to tell us how these independent members of Council are to be found out, or how the Council should be com- posed. We have, indeed, seen no suggestion on this _point during all the discussions upon Indian affairs. Undoubtedly, the Minister for India will need to be assisted by the advice of an independent Council, and the interests of the empire demand that the Council should be more efficient than any India Board or Directorate which we have yet had. One method of compo- sition naturally suggests itself. In such an auxiliary body we -want at least one representative of every section of the English community in India, official or non-official. We want a repre- sentation of the Civil Service, of the Army, of the Indian Navy, of the Judicial body, of the Financial, of the Com- mercial class, of the Engineering intelligence, of the Mercantile Marine. And who would be the best representative, but the man considered by each class to be its first? No doubt, it would be a great advantage in such a Council to have a representation of the most intelligent class of the Natives.
The opening of the true session of Parliament approaches with an increased consciousness of the Minister's power, and a keener sense of the difficulties which he may have to encounter. This perception of troublous probabilities is not amiss if Lord Palmer- ston is as courageous, as self-possessed, and as keen-sighted as he is said to be ; but it all depends upon himself and his own actions. The most ominous sign would consist in Lord Palmerston's ful- filling his duties and defending his position by routine, while maldng innovations on recent usage to indulge his connexions with large slices of patronage. If it is true, as probably it is, that Lord Derby and Mr. Disraeli hold now the meetings which they omitted before Christmas, in order to concert a vigorous opposition, it matters as little to the Premier as the reported activity of Mr. maytet in canvassing the clubs for Parliamentary support would matter to Lord Derby and Mr. Disraeli. Hat formidable is it for Palmerston—if it is true—that Lord George Paget has been appointed Inspector of Cavalry in India. What are that gentle- man's special qualifications, besides being a Paget ? This is an anointment on which much may turn. One of the oryine wants in India is cavalry ; the want is more grievous there than here ; and the best Inspeotor of Cavalry that we can muster, though he were already in commission for the United Kingdoms aught to be sent out to India. If a bad appointment has been made, the mis- chief is twofold—oar Indian Army is likely to be ill served for a time, and the ins U eient man filling up the post keeps out the good man. Our grations Queen is surroeta by guests, and her spacious ,.household is thronged by lloh ms and Coburgs. It is as 'hostess not as Queen, as IttOthet fulli as sovereign, says the Eng- lish observer. The half of loyal statesmanship, answers German philosophy, lies in these inteemarringes, tad the Queen's guests Are all German. It is long since English folks saw so many of the royal class all brought together in a coup d'aeil ; but mani- folding as little increases the impressiveness of royalty as it does of a circular. When they have come, the royal and " serene " persons behave very much like other persons, only their beha- viour is on a larger scale, and on a " state " pattern. They are entertained at a dance, but it is a "state ball" ; they go to the theatre—a " state " performanee ; they go to see sights—Levi- athan, South Kensington, and Woolwich—but they have a Prince Consort for cicerone, and a review is got up on purpose for them; the Prince of Wales sitting his horse and rubbing his hands to get them warm, "like any private son of the family."
