TOPICS OF THE DAY.
STATE OF THE WHIG-RADICAL UNION.
THERE are people so'ignorant of the nature of journalism, as to suppose that it is in the power of a newspaper to form opinions for
its readers. Every week, for some time past, we have foretold
the approaching disunion in the Liberal camp: therefore, say some of the small Whigs, the Spectator is exciting the Radicals to differ with the Whigs. This is nonsense: the Radical party— the great party which rejoiced in Lord DURHAM'S answer at Glasgow to Lord BROUGHAM'S do-nothing sermons in other parts of Scotland—the millions who long that Reform of Parliament should be used as a means to the ends fcr which it took place— are not to be influenced, either in their conduct or opinions, by any one newspaper, or by all the newspapers together. The Whigs alone, not being a party, being a mere clique or coterie of aristocratic families, may be so influenced. We have, therefore, endeavoured to excite the Whigs to agree with the Radicals. And bow ?—by pointing out to the Whigs that their existence as a party depends on the maintenance of that Whig-Radical union which brought the Whigs into power in 1830; the temporary dissolu- tion of which, through Lord GREY'S do-nothing policy of 1833 and 1834, enabled the Tories to dismiss Lord MEnneueNs; and of which the restoration, in 1835, drove out the Tories, and has hitherto formed the basis of the MELBOURNE Administration. Having sought to open the eyes of the Whigs to the danger of their present position, we are accused of having helped to create that danger. What would they have ? They would preserve the Whig-Radical union. That, too, is our object. But by what means ? Here comes the difference. They would preserve it by means of persuading the Radicals to support them for nothing but their own beaux yeux. The Radicals want something more solid in return for their support. The Whig-Radical union is endangered by that new state of things under which it appears that the Whigs are unable to do any more for Reform, than make proposals to be rejected by the Tory Lords.
" Support us nevertheless," say the Whigs : " office is just as pleasant with mere proposals, as with measures of Reform, per- haps more pleasant: support us for our own sakes : the honour of supporting us is surely enough for you. Besides, it may be, perhaps, that in 1837 or 1838, as our organ the Courier says, we shall carry some of those measures of Reform which we have proposed in 1836. Wait ; be patient ; rely on us who were born statesmen; do not trouble us with your ' ignorant impatience,' AS Lord CASTLEREAGH used to say ; but support U3 with a blind confidence."
To this the Radicals reply—" We cannot trust any longer to mere promises. You deceived us, by leading us to believe that you would be able to give us those measures of Reform with a view to which, and to no other view, we have supported you. Afibrd us proof—some better proof than mere words—that you are disposed to carry out Reform of Parliament to its natural consequences. Words will no longer satisfy us. Promises made without showing that you have the means to perform them, will now go for nothing. It is not as Whigs that you have had our support ; nor will we support you for an hour after it shall be plain that you are unwilling or unable to carry measures of Re- form. We wish to maintain the Whig-Radical union, but not for the mere purpose of keeping you in office. Give us some mea- sures of Reform; or only the promise of them, if some assurance be added that you will keep your word. The permanence of the union depends upon you. Do nothing, and we part, never to be united again : do something—very little at a time will content us—only show us that you have a plan of action, whereby we may hope that something will be done ; and then the union be- comes as firm as ever. Hitherto we have strictly performed our part of the bargain : now perform your part, or the contract is annulled."
Such is the nature of the altercation now going on between the Whigs and the Radicals. The Radical discontent has not been caused, or even fomented, by any newspaper. We have only re• presented the Radical feeling, in order that the Whigs should be made aware of their danger. Instead of thanking, they complain of us for giving friendly advice. This is only one amongst the many
SYMPTOMS OF WHIG-RADICAL DISUNION.
1. Mr. HARVEY has recovered his seat for Southwark. He now owes his seat to the Whigs. However small the number of those who took him to task for his bitter speech on the Irish Tithe Bill, that speech was greatly objected to by the majority of his consti- tuents, who would then have readily accepted his resignation. Being a very clever man, lie perhaps foresaw what was coming, and purposely delayed resigning till certain that lie should be asked to remain. He remains a popular Member for Southwark, after declaring that he abides by his anti-Ministerial speech, and, what is more, that he sees not a pin to choose between the Whigs and the Tories. Suppose that lie has been moved by personal disappointment and pique, what then ? The first symptom of a party-split is the retirement from the union of its most discontented members; and these are generally persons actuated by strong personal feelings. If Lord MELBOURNE should wisely open the question of a better Suffrage, Ballot, and Triennial Parliaments, thus letting into the Government men who are pledged to vote for those consequences of the Reform Bill, Lord Howlett, moved by personal dislike to the new comers, would probably retire be- fore other members of the Cabinet, who should dislike, not the men, but the measures. Passionate natures are always the first to stir; but the quiet people follow. Allow that Mr. HARVEY has but waited for an opportunity to gratify his spite towards the Whigs; still he has waited long enough. Ho now abuses the Whigs, and keeps his seat. Not a month ago he risked the loss of his seat by abusing the Whigs; he may now say what ho pleases of them, and thwart them as he may be able, without offending his constituents. So rapid has been the growth of Whig unpopularity since it became plain that, without "a fresh de- parture," their course of Refiam was to end in—nothing 2. Two months ago, if Mr. THOMAS DUNCOMBE had treated the Whigs as in his recent speech on the English Church Bill, he would have been called on to resign his seat for Finsbury. This too is a clever man ; and, even if he have been moved by personal considerations, he has waited for a safe opportunity to have a slap at the Whigs. 3. As Mr. O'CONNELL is the most powerful, so has he been the heartiest Radical supporter of the Whigs. With views peculiarly Irish,--having obtained from Lord MULGRAYE and Lord MOR- PETH, who are " something more" than Whigs, administrative " justice for Ireland,”—he may be excused for wishing to preserve, at all events, the Whig-Radical union. As respects the executive power in Ireland, the course of Ministers has not ended in nothing. It is to keep Lord MULGRAVE and Lord MORPETH in Ireland, that Mr. O'CONNELL Still battles for Mr. SPRING RICE, Lord JOHN RUSSELL, and Lord Ilowices in England. The Radical Irish Members, however, are becoming unmanageable; witness Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD'S letter. And Mr. O'CONNELL'S recent visit to Rochester must have taught him, that the MELBOURNE Ministry (notwithstanding a sort of personal affection for Lord MEL- BOURNE which seems to be felt everywhere) is no longer popular with the English masses. We can assure him that Scotland is in no better humour with the Whigs. He now finds it uphill work to defend " his Majesty's patriotic Ministers." It is contrary to the nature of Mr. O'CONNELL, and of timings in general, that he should continue to disagree with the masses. He could not do so without ceasing to be what he is. He knows that if Ministers continue to do—nothing, it will soon be impossible to sustain them. He knows in what his own power consists, and will not forfeit that out of mere compliment to a falling Ministry. 4. The course taken by the Radicals in the House of Com- mons on the English Church (mock) Reform Bill, is not a symp- tom—it actually is Whig-Radical disunion. For the first time this session, the earnest Reformers have taken a line of their own, as if the Tories had been in office, and themselves in opposition contending for principles—as if the Whigs had disappeared I This is but a foretaAe, as to one question, of that state of parties which must result from a complete dissolution of the Whig- Radical union.
5. Finally, the Tories in their clubs and coteries, and by their organs of the press, have recently assumed a tone of insolent arro- gance towards the Whigs, which is to be accounted for no other- wise than by supposing that they feel their own strength to be growing in proportion to time increasing weakness of their rivals. As the Whigs sink, the Tories rise. Except by reason of their union with the Radicals, the 'Whigs arc below notice. The Tories have played their game well for a dissolution of the Whig-Radical union ; so well and so quickly, that they already hint at the time when they shall return to office. The Times of Thursday says- " Of their proper decay and insignificance the Whigs are more conscious every passing day. Such men merely await the first wind that is to blow them, like November leaves, from the branch whereon they have already withered."
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