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FRINCIP.U. BUSINESS OF THE WEEK.

HOUSE OP LORDS. Monday, July 18. Lord John Russell's Despatch ; Question by Lord Malmesbury—Consolidation of the Statute Law ; Lord Cranworth's Bill read a first time.

Tuesday, July 19. Clerk of Council Bill read a third time and passed—Tele- graphs to India; Lord Stanley of Alderley'e Question. Thursday, July 21. Divorce Court , Lord Campbell's Bill read a first time— Public Health Bill read a second time.

&iday, July 22. Admiralty Court Bill read a second time—Trial by Jury (Scot- land) Bill read a second time.

Bores or COMMONS. Monday, July 18. Ways and Means ; the Budget—Supply > Civil Service Estimates—Universities Incorporation Act Bill read a first time. Tuesday, July 19. Public Health Bill read a third time and passed—Municipal Corporations Bill read a second time--Indian army ; Mr. Buxton's Complaint— Autumn Sessions ; Mr. Forster's Motion—Printingof the Bible ; Mr. Baines's Motion—Irish Ministers ; Mr. Scully's Motion—Barristers and Solicitors (Ireland) Bill, leave given—Contracts Committee ; Mr. Bouverie's Motion—Newspaper, &c., Bill read a third time and passed. Wednesday, July 20. Edinburgh Annuity-tax Bill read a second time—Diplo- matic Pensions Bill read a second time—Imprisonment for Small Debts Bill read a second time.

Thursday, July 21. The Budget ; Mr. Disraeli's Motion—Ways and Means ; Resolutions agreed to—Criminal Justice Middlesex (Assistant-Judge) Dill read a third time and passed—Romen Catholic Relief Act Amendment Bill withdrawn— Diplomatic Pensions Bill committed.

Friday, July 22. Committees of Supply and Ways and Menus.

THE BUDGET.

The House went into Committee of Ways and Means on Monday, in Order that the Budget might be laid before them.

Mr. GLADSTONE entered upon the subject without a preface, and stated at once the result of the finance of the last year. Mr. Disraeli estimated the Customs at 23,400,0001., they produced 24,117,000/. ; the Excise at 18,600,000/., it produced only 17,902,000/. ; the Stamps at 7,850,000/., they produced 8,00:5,000/. ; Land and Assessed Tax at 3,200,000/., they yielded 3,162,000/. ; the Income-tax at 6,100,000/., it produced 6,683,587/. ; Post Office at 3,200,0001., that is its income; Crown Lands at 2,700,000/., they yielded 280,041/.; Miscellaneous he took at 1,300,000/., they returned 2,125,944/. The general result is satisfactory. The total revenue was estimated at 63,920,000/. ; the actual revenue was 66,477,284/. The expenditure of the year was 64,663,882/., thus leaving in round numbers a surplus of 8,000,000/. Mr. Disraeli made certain speoial proposals. He expected 300,0001. from stamps on checks or drafts ; it is probable that it produced only 137,000/. • but the account of the revenue from receipt stamps and stamps on checks is not kept separate. The augmentation of the duty on Irish spirits, instead of pro- ducing 500,000/., as estimated, only produced 85,000/. ; but then it did not take effect from the first day of the financial year, and in the interval between the 1st and 17th April 1858, 1,129,000 gallons of spirits were delivered from bond in Ireland, or two months' consumption. Had the duty been levied on these gallons, the return would have been 188,000/. A conclusive judgment on changes of this nature cannot be formed until a year or two has elapsed.

Next Mr. Gladstone came to the current year. The estimate for the year ending April 1, 1860, is—Customs, 23,850,0001. ; Excise, 18,530,000/. ; Land and Assessed Taxes, 3,200,000/. ; Stamps, 8,100,0001.; Income-tax, at 5d., 5,600,0001.; Post-office, 3,250,0007.; Crown Lands, 280,0001.; and Miscellaneous-Receipts, 1,530,000/. Total, 64,340,0001. That is—Debt, 28,600,000?. ; Consolidated Fund, 1,960,0001.; Army, including Militia, 13,300,0001. ; Navy, including packet service, 12,782,000/. ; Revenue Departments, 474,0001. ; Civil Service and Miscellaneous, 7,825,0001.—an increase due to various items, Constabulary, British Columbia, China, and Japan, Foreign Office, electric cables, &c. The total estimated expenditure is 69,207,000/. As the estimate of revenue is 64;340,0001, there is a de- ficiency of 4,867,000/. These estimates bear an ambiguous character. They fall short of war estimates ; they exceed any sums Parliament has voted in time of peace. If affairs abroad do not grow worse, we may assume that they will grow better. We have an increase over last year of 1,288,0001. for the Army, and of 3,891,000/. for the Navy. Our duty is to make sufficient and effective provision forthe wants of the year. The Income-tax and certain war-duties on tea and sugar will lapse in 1860, making a difference in the receipts of 8,000,0001. On the other hand, 2,000,0001. will fall off on Annuities. All these considerations have led the Government to abstain from what is called " prospective finance," and be content with provisional finance if it be sound. We have come into office with a full conviction that the great demands made upon the House for military estimates are demands both justified and required by the circumstances of the country. (Cheers.) I know well that large as those demands are, they have been voted with freedom and with en- thusiasm, and that if it had seemed right to the Government, from the information which we possess, to make a still larger drain on the con- fidence and patriotism of Parliament, it would have been as freely and as warmly met." (Cheers.) Apart from these considerations the Mem- bers of the Government have not yet been able to look each into his own department to see what may be done to reduce expenditure. Nearly four months have elapsed since the financial year began, and none of the financial measures can be made retrospective.

The question was bow should the deficiency be made good, by loan or by taxation. Nothing but dire necessity should make us borrow in time of pease, We should provide for the wants of the day in which we live out of the resources at our command. If then we must look to taxes, shall they be direct or indirect ? The articles that could be subjected to indirect taxation are malt, spirits, tea, and sugar. The Government agree that it would be undesirable to augment the duty on usalt. As to spirits he showed from statistics that the process of equalising the duties since he began it in 1853 has been successful. The total receipts in 1853 was 6,301,000/., in 1859, 9,188,000/., an increase of 2,887,000/., a real addition to our permanent taxation. But as malt gives no hope, so spirits yield no means of replenishing the treasury. In the same way Mr. Gladstone dealt with tea and sugar, those more vital articles, and declined to meddle with the indirect taxes, and thereby touch the labouring man. He showed that while in 1858-'9 part of the war taxation on sugar and- tea which would have been remitted was retained, while the war portion of the Income-tax was struck off, and that last year indirect taxation paid a larger proportion than direct taxation. • It would therefore be a gross injustice to add one shilling to the imposition of indirect taxation. That being so we arrive at a point which can be easily anticipated. ("Hear hear I" and laughter.) The divining faculty of an intelligent audience altogether outruns either the power or necessity of a detailed statement. It remains to consider what we shall do with the Income-tax." Having explained the purposes which led to the introduction of the Income-tax—to make salutary fiscal changes, and to meet sudden exigencies—ho described the present case as one of the latter class, and the Income-tax as the legitimate resource. Then he referred to the promises of 1853, and showed, from the increase in the revenue (5,316,000/.), and the falling in of the Annuities, that, had not public expenditure grown also, the promises of 1853 could have been kept

and the Income-tax abolished in 1860. As the expenditure has increased it must be met by corresponding taxation. In the first place he proposed

to diminish the malt credits from eighteen to twelve weeks. Under the present system the master makes and sells his malt before he pays duty, that is, the public find him capital. That is a bad system, and he proposed

to deal with it at present in the mildest way by diminishing the period of credit, which would yield 780,000/. to the treasury in the current instead of the next year. That will reduce the deficiency to 4,000,000/. That sum we propose to raise by the augmentation of the Income. tax. (Cheers.) The present rate of the Income-tax is 5d. in the pound. We propose an addition of 4d. in the pound. (hfurniars and " Hear ! ") An addition of 4d. in the pound would yield something over 4,000,000/. of money. "In making an addition of that kind it will be necessary of course to reintroduce the distinction between incomes 'above 150/. and incomes under 150/. ; because that distinction was originitlly introduced when the rate was at 7d., and was allowed to drop when it fell to 5/1. ; but when it goes above 7d. there cannot be a doubt that the distinction must be reintroduced. Therefore, what I propose is that the 4d. laid upon the general mass of the Income- tax-payers should stop at incomes of 1501., and that the rate of lid. in the pound should be laid upon incomes under 160/. The whole of this addition to the Income-tax shall be made applicable to the service of the year by being charged on the first half-yearly payment. ("Oh !") If I am to have that money for the service of the year, it must be in the Exchequer before the 1st of April, nor can it be by any means that I am aware of in the Exchequer before the 1st of April unless it is made leviable in one single payment, on the first assessment or charge, after the resolution shall be adopted by the House. I wish to explain to the Committee, if they will hear me, exactly how the payments will stand. The effect of my proposal is to place an addition of lid. in the pound upon all incomes under 150/., and upon all above 150/. an addition of Rd., or at the rate annually of 13d. on incomes above 150/, But the first half-yearly payment of the tax-payers whose income is under 1501. a year will be at 4d. in the pound. The re- maining liability for Income-tax for 1859-'60 will stand exactly as it does now, at 21d. for both classes." That, with the malt credits, will yield 5,120,000/., thus leaving only a surplus of 253,000/. He estimated that the balances in the Treasury in April, 1860, will be 6,542,000/., an ample amount. He only proposed on Monday a formal vote of Ways and Means- 7,000,0001. out of the Consolidated Fund for her Majesty's service ; and promised to lay the other resolutions on the table at an early day. Several Members objected strongly to the proposed mode of paying the Income-tax, and some twitted Mr. Gladstone with recanting his former opinions ; but a good number while objecting to the mode of pay- ment, approved of the augmentation of the tax. It is a noble and an honest proposition. Mr. Honmisar took an objection to the making of additions to our defences by instalments, and suggested the application of a round sum once for all. The defences ought to be rapidly com- pleted. Mr. GLADSTONE admitted the force of the remark, but said the question could hardly be discussed then.

The resolution was agreed to and the House resumed.

On Thursday, when it was proposed to go again into Committee of' Ways and Means, Mr. Disraeli took the opportunity to make " a few ob- servations on the financial condition of the country," which reported in full, extend to three columns and a half of the morning journals, and let1 to a debate, not only in finance but foreign policy.

Mr. DISRAELI began by an elaborate defence of his own financial policy, and justified the postponement of the payment of inctimbrances in 1858 on the ground that the commercial classes werejust recovering from the severest monetary convulsion of our time. The Government thought it unwise to interfere with the legal reduction of the Income- tax from 7d. to 5d., and preferred to call for the outstanding 1,000,000/. of the loan, and thus pay off 2,000,0001. of Exchequer Bonds out of the ba- lances rather than raise new taxes. They hoped to meet the deficiency out of the excess of revenue. The estimate of revenue was 64,000,000/., the receipts were 65,500,000/., showing a surplus of 1,500,000/. His policy was not to maintain artificial sinking funds, and not to raise new taxes on an industrious people smarting under a great disaster. Proceeding from the past to the present Mr. Disraeli expressed his ap- proval of the determination of Mr. Gladstone to increase the Income-tax, rather than borrow ; but he objected to the mode of levying the additional Income-tax, and insisted that the levy of the special tax in six months in- stead of a year will inflict great injury. All the desired results may be ob- tained by spreading the levy over a year and obtaining from the Bank of' England the accommodation required. We ought not to fritter away this treasure—the Income-tax. As to our general financial position Mr. Dis- raeli contended that we cannot go on raising 70,000,0001. a year. We must enforce economical administration. It is quite an illusion to hope that we can materially reduce our three great sources of civil expenditure—the ad- ministration of justice, the education and the health of the people. If we 'make war upon these estimates we really make war upon civilisation. Coming to the naval and military estimates he said that enormous as they-are, some said they ought to he increased. Now expenditure depends on policy. A war has, just unexpectedly terminated, in which we took no pert. The late Government, thoughthen policy was misrepresented, maintained lariat neu- trality. A change might have been expected to follow achange of Govern- ment, but the new Ministers had at once announced their intention to follow in the footsteps of their predecessors. The value of that statement was increased by late events. We have a peace which does not disturb the political equilibrium. That is satisfactory. But there is a talk of a Con- gress or Conference. Would they thrust themselves therein and enter into engagements from which we can only reap disorder and ruin ? In 1815 we were entrapped into engagements. Would they be entrapped by some ebullition of disappointed feeling into this conference at Zurich, and to engagements that must lead to increased expenditure ? A peace that does not disturb the balance of power we ought to respect. But it is said the programme of the Emperor has not been realized. He defied them to find m history an instance in which the objects of a war were realized. At the end of the Russian war there were lamentations that its objects were only partially accomplished. Was, there- fore, the successful conqueror to be held up as a Prince whom no one can trust, because he had not done what no potentate had ever done, realized his programme ? He gave credit to the Prince who signed the peace, and believed it would be permanent. Let us do our best to make it permanent. What then should be our policy ? Not to go to Congresses in fine dresses, with ribands and diamonds, and snuff-boxes, but to go to our great ally and ask him to join us in making peace permanent by diminishing armaments. The late Government were told that they did not enjoy the confidence of the Emperor of the French, and that had the distinguished statesmen op- poeite been in office, he would not have taken a step without consulting them. Now, then, was the time for Lord Palmerston to act a great part, by exercising his influence with France to terminate this disastrous system of warlike expenditure. "Let us mutually agree, with no hypocrisy, but in a manner which would admit of no doubt—by the reduction of armaments —that peace is. really our policy, and then the Chancellor of the Exchequer 'may look forward With no apprehensions to his next budget, and the country may then actually expect the termination of the Income-tax." (Cheers.)

[Mr. Bright and Mr. Gladstone rose together, but Mr. Bright gave way, although loudly called.]

Mr. GLADSTONE passed over those parts of Mr. Disraeli's speech refer- ring to retrospective finance, except so far as to characterize the 1,500,0001. surplus as a fancied surplus, and to point out that the actual surplus was the excess of income over expenditure-800,0001.—and en- tered upon Mr. Disraeli's proposal touching the levying of the Income- tax. What he described as the mode of levying the tax is the whole of the qilestion. It is not an impracticable mode, and the heads of the re- venue department fortify that statement. It is not unjust, for the House has as much right to tax six months' income as twelve months income. If Mr. Disraeli's suggestion were adopted there would be a gap to be filled up, and to borrow 2,000,0001. would be as objectionable as to bor- row 5,000,0001. Do not lay new burdens on 1860. Mr. Disraeli's doc- trine is that the growth of the peace expenditure is natural, legitimate, and normal. Mr. Gladstone utterly denies this. If every man's petition for expenditure in this and that is attended to, the finances will be in con- fusion in five years. The fact is that the spirit of economy is relaxed, and the one thing essential is to return to the temper and spirit which ruled with respect to the public expenditure chiefly from the period of the first Government of the Dake of Wellington. Mr. Gladstone men- tioned a variety of claims on the Exchequer in prospect—harbours of refuge, public offices, National Gallery, contracts to the extent of 600,0001. a year, more or less entertained by the late Government ; and yet Mr. Disraeli speaks with calm satisfaction of the growth of the civil service estimates. Mr. Disraeli also took a sanguine view of the naval and military estimates. The magical results he predicted are not to •be .obtained, and still less by imitating the course of Lord Melmee- bury. Admitting that Lord Malsiesbury acted in the spirit of an English gentleman and a lover of peace an recent transactions, Mr. Gladstone said he must he silent on everything beyond that admission. He advised the Opposition not to endeavour, by continual taunts, to leave the Government the only alternative of entering en an invidious task of dissection or appearing to assent to what is not compatible with their honest convictions. Admitting that we ought to preserve the French alliance and diminish our armaments as soon as the state ce Europe admits, Mr. Gladstone said he could go no further with Mr. Disraeli. Why this sweeping denunciation of Congresses by those, too, above all others, who were striving four months ago to bring about, by hook or by crook, the meeting of a Congress? Mr. Dismeli's doctrine that peace never fulfils the programme of war is quite new. In the Itassian war and the great revolutionary war the programme was ful- tailed. He agreed that Government should sleeve to make peace per- manent, but they must have the liberty to choose their own measures. - Mr. BRIGHT gave a qualified approval of the financial measures of the Government But he strongly expressed his opinion that the Income- tax should not be permanent until a distinction is drawn between per- manent and precarious incomes. He also described the grievances in- flicted on the trading and eommereial community by the unequal opera- tion of the succession-duties, and contended that probate should be levied equally upon all kinds of property. Commenting OD the growth of ear naval and military estimates, Mr. Bright, with great emphasis, bitterly ridiculed our periodical invasion panics, sad censured those, whether editors or peers, who use irritating language towards France and the French Emperor. The admission of the Emperor that he was making war against the mind of Europe, and that he made pease be- cause the war was assuming dimensions net-consistent with the interests of France, prove that the suspicions of his future objects are unfounded. Mr. Bright prayed God that our Government would set the example of

proposing a mu ual reduction of armaments. The French believe we are snaking an outcry about invasion to cover designs of invading them ! The Emperor has shown that ho desires to ally himself with England. Then why generate suspicions and create alarms? Mr. Bright recom- mended the Government to emancipate itself from old, ragged, worth-

less, and bloody tinditions, and approach the French nation in a sensible and Christian spirit, and propose 'a reciprocal removal of duties that press upon trade. He hoped Lord Palmerston would do all he could to knit the two nations together.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL said he desired to state how much he agreed with 3Sr. Bright The attempts made in this country to induce a feeling of animosity to France and her Sovereign can only produce animosity against us ; and animosity and anger have produced more wars than ter- ritorial disputes. The Emperor has been a faithful ally. On what then rests the declamation to induce the people of England to arm ? Briefly touching other topics in a short speech, Lord John said that he would ex- press no opinion expressing the wisdom of taking part in a Congress ; that the Emperor has done all he can in the way of free trade ; and that it

would be unwise and would give strength to the French Protectionists to enter into a correspondence with the French Government on the question of reciprocity. Lord Ruatemseox said he could not hear in silence the erroneous statement of Mr. Disraeli, that he had said the Government had nothing better to do than follow in the steps of the late Government. " I said no such thing." What he said was that he approved of the course of the late Government, and was determined to pursue it because it was in accordance with the opinion and interests of the country.

" I am so far from pronouncing unqualified approval of the foreign policy of the late Government, as that statement would imply, that I believe I gave offence to the late Government by condemning their foreign police as far as the manner in which they endeavoured to prevent the war which broke out. That which I stated repeatedly, and which I repeat now as my own individual conviction, is, that had the late Government employed the means which were in their power, and which I contend they ought to have employed, they might have prevented the rupture between France and Austria. That was my opinion ; that is my opinion still. I have no doub that they had the best intentions, and that to the extent of their ability they carried out their intentions. But I say that they failed, and they failed from not understanding and seeing in what direction their exertions ought to have been applied. I speak thus from what is known to all the world— from the language used by the Government in both Houses of Parliament as to the question at issue. It was encouraging to Austria. It was defiance to France. The whole meaning of the language of the late Government was this :—war is impending, and if it break out England may be drawn into the contest, and the aide with which she will be drawn into the contest will be the side of Austria. Their notion was that to prevent war they ought to threaten France. The result shows, that if they had taken the other line, and by firm and friendly advice dissuaded Austria from the course which she took, the war might have been prevented." After commenting, like Mr. Gladstone, on the extraordinary doctrine of Mr. Disraeli that we should take no part in a Congress, and showing that our intervention has been beneficial in Greece, Belgium, Portugal, Spain, and the slave-trade, Lord Palmerston said, that when we speak of the calamities of the war in Italy, we must remember the miseries peace en- tailed on the Italians. " My noble friend stated that whether we should be parties to a Conference or not was a matter still under consideration and would depend upon circumstances. But, undoubtedly, no Government of this country would recommend that England should be a party to a Con- gress simply to register the edicts—simply to register the arrangements made by other parties, without the previous consent and concurrence of England. We may enter into a Conference for the purpose of improving arrangements not finally concluded and still open for consideration ; but it is no part of England's duty to make herself simply the recording agent of transactions in which she has had no part or voice." Lord Palmerston said, " that the Emperor of the French has been the faithful and true ally of England, both in times of peace and of war ; and that we have every reason , to regard him as a Monarch who feels personally, and upon system, desirous to cement and perpetuate the alliance which subsists between his country and our own. That such a feeling exists is, however, I admit, no good reason why. we should not place ourselves in a state of defence There is nothing, therefore, I maintain, at all inconsistent with a desire upon our part that the alliance between England and France should endure, in our making every provision which may be deemed requisite for the pur- pose of placing this country in such a position as that she need be under no apprehension of being attacked by any neighbouring or more powerful State. To take that course is, I feel assured, a policy not more becoming the dignity of the nation itself than it is in accordance with a sincere wish to maintain friendly relations with other Powers." But nothing is more inconsistent than to say that we are undefended and to use language calculated to irritate and provoke that -Power from which hostilities are said to be expected. As to -commercial relations there is no difference between Mr. Bright and the Government in prin- ciple bat only as to the mode of accomplishing the end desintd. After Mr. SEYMOUR FrizeeriaLri had made a speech in which he charged the Government with getting rid of a discussion on the foreign policy of the late Government, the House went into Committee of Ways and Means.

Mr. GLADSTONE moved the following resolution— "That, towards raising the supply granted to her Majesty, in addition to the rates and duties granted and now chargeable under the Act passed' i the 16th and 17th years of her Majesty's reign, cap. 34, for granting to her Majesty duties on profits arising from property, professions, trades, and offices, there shall be charged, collected, and paid, for and in respect of all property, profits, and gains, charged or chargeable under the said Act, either by assessment, contract of composition, or otherwise, the following additional rates and duties, that is to say, upon any assessment made on the annual value or amount of any property, profits, or gains (except property, profits, and gains, chargeable under schedule B of the said Act), the additional rate or duty of fourpence for every 20.e. of the annual value or amount of all such property, profits, and gains, respectively ; and for and in respect df the oeeupation of lands, tenements, horeditamouts, and heritages, chargeable under schedule B of the said Act, the additional rate of twopence in Eng- land, and of one penny halfpenny in Scot land and Ireland respectively, for every 20s. of the annual value thereof, and such additional rates and duties respectively shall be collected and paid with over and above the first moiety of the duties assessed or charged under the said Act."

Sir HENRY WILLOUGHBY moved two amendments—the first that the additional Income-tax should be 3d, in the pound ; the second that the additional rate on the long annuities should be one farthing. Both were negatived without a division.

Mr. Disnarte moved that the last clause of the resolution should be struck out ; but it shared the fate of the other amendments.

The other resolutions dependent upon the first a ere agreed to nem. con.; and the House resumed.

TUB INDIAN ARMY.

Mr. Brxeox called the attention of the House to the proposal of the Commissioners en the Indian Army that 190,000 Sepoys and 60,000 Europeans should be the force henceforth maintained in India, exclusive of police now numbering 97,000. Alarmed for the financial prospects of' India, knowing the importance of lowering taxation, he pointed out the evils and risks, and deprecated the vast expenditure required to maintain this huge force. Is there common sense in arming 300,000 Natives and setting 80,000 Europeans to guard them. It Will entail great sacrifices in men and money. There will be 30,000 annual passages of soldiers to and front India and 10,000 soldiers always at sea. And for what is this force to he kept up ? Invasion ? There is no one to invade us. To keep order ? We have only our soldiery to fear. If this large army is kept up it will defer measures of improvement,

education, and public works. Mr. Buxton appealed to Lord Stanley for his opinion. The Speaker having pointed out that there was no motion before them, Sir E. COLERR.00KE moved the adjournment of the House. Lord STANLEY, answering Mr. Buxton's appeal, showed that it was not possible for any set of men to say precisely what force will be required it India when peace is restored. They could only question competent eitnesses. The Commissioners had only in general terms recommended 50,000 men for Bengal. Great redactions can be made in the present force, especially in the native portion, as soon as practicable. As to the question of expense one European costs as much as eight natives.

Sir ERSKINE PERRY said the commission was ill constituted and its re- port unsatisfactory. Nearly all officers thought more of the British Army than Indian interests. No, the only way to diminish the army and relieve the exchequer, is to govern India through the cooperation and with the sympathies of the natives themselves. The corps to which native gentlemen are admitted are more efficient and cheaper. Native cavalry drilled on the European system cost 1021., while irregular regi- anents, like the Scinde Horse, into which native gentlemen are admitted, cost 351. per man. The Indian generals strongly recommend the irregu- lar system for the whole native army. Colonel SYKES maintained that India only requires 50,000 Europeans. Mr. Smola.= said that the amount of force required will depend on the measures of the Govern- ment. Mr. KINNAIRD reminded the House that Sir John Lawrence is in favour of a large irregular force. Mr. Vesisrrrarer recommended a plan for raising European regiments for Indian service with native auxiliary regiments. Mr. BRIGHT took occasion to address a solemn ex- hortation to Sir Charles Wood imploring him to make his financial state- anent while Members remained in town.

Sir CHARLES Wool) said he was only waiting for the accounts, and he would lose no time in making his statement. They could not at once dismiss those natives who have gallantly fought our battles. It would 'not be wise to reduce the European force to the point at which it stood before the mutiny. "As far as the country is concerned, I think it would be highly desirable to encourage the formation of corps of irregular troops, so as to afford em- ployment for the native gentry, and before I left the Board of Control I had -entered into a correspondence with Lord Dalhousie upon the subject of dis- pensing with the services of the regular native cavalry." The motion for the adjournment of the House was then withdrawn, and the subject dropped.

LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S DESPATCH.

The Earl of MALMESBURY asked whether a despatch from Lord John Russell to the British Minister at Berlin, which had appeared in the morning papers of Monday, was authentic. If it were, then the Govern- ment had departed from the line of neutrality by giving strong advice to Prussia not to enter into the war. Lord Malmesbury also urged, as he did at Merchant Taylors, that England should take no part in any con- gress that might result /nom the war.

Lord WODEHOUSE replied by quoting from Lord Malmesbury's own despatches to Sir A. Malet, our Minister at Frankfort, and Lord Bloom- field, our Minister at Berlin, passages stronger than any in Lord John Russell's despatch; passages telling Germany and Prussia that if they entered into the war they could expect no assistance from England, and " protesting" against the recommendation from Wurtemberg that Ger- many should make common cause with Austria. In a despatch to Lord Cowley it was shown how defenceless Germany would be against the fleets of Russia and France.

Lord BROUGHAM hoped we should have nothing to do with any con- gress. The Duke of NEWCASTLE and Lord GRANVILLE supported the view takeri by Lord Wodehouse.

DIVORCE COURT.

The LORD CHANCELLOR moved the second reading of the Divorce 'Court Bill. Instead of appointing new judges he proposes that all the judges shall act in rotation as judges in the Divorce Court; that the Court may sit with closed doors when the judges think decency requires it ; that the Court shall have power to make orders with respect to the management of children ; and that the Attorney-General shall be served with a notice of every petition.

The House generally received the bill with qualified approval, but Lord CHELMSFORD predicted that it would have no effect in relieving the Court from the difficulty of finding Judges. The bill was read a second time.

THE EDINEURGH ANNUITY-TAX.

Mr. BLACK moved the second reading of the Edinburgh, &c., Annuity- -tax Abolition Bill at the Wednesday sitting. Mr. BLACKBURN did not oppose the bill, but desired to know the intention of the Government. Sir GEORGE LEWIS had no hesitation in giving his assent to the prin- ciple of the bill. Mr. Black has reserved existing interests, and in the event of the bill not passing this session, it may be in the power of the Government to propose a substantial substitute for the tax next session. Lord ELCHO immediately took ground of opposition. He wanted to see how the Cabinet would vote on a division. He moved that the bill should be read a second time that day three months. Mr. MILLER seconded the amendment. On the other hand, Sir E. COLEBROOKE and Mr. CAIRD supported, while Mr. C. BRUCE opposed the bill. The LORD ADVOCATE repeated the offer of Sir George Lewis, and its acceptance was urged on Mr. Black by Mr. BAXTER and Mr. MURE. Mr. BLACK therefore agreed to give the question into the hands of the Government after the bill had been read a second time. Mr. BRIGHT here struck in to impress on Mr. Black the impolicy of trusting governments. Govern- ments have not been able to settle church-rates. When this tax is dis- cussed all sorts of schemes will be devised to ward off abolition. The tax ought to be clean abolished, and to effect that Mr. Black had better take the straight line.

On a division the amendment was negatived by 162 to 108, and the bill was read a second time.

DIPLOMATIC PENSIONS BILL. On the motion of Mr. Mescals:es Miesras this bill was read a second time nem. con. This measure is intended to render retired diplomatists enjoying pensions eligible for a seat in the House of Commons. These pensions are not held during pleasure ; they stand on the same footing as those given to persons who have held high office in the Government. STATUTE LAW COMMISSION. Lord CRANWORTH made on Monday a speech in defence of this Commission, and, recommending that it should be continued, presented one of the bills drawn by the Commissioners. Lord CAMPBELL was not willing to continue the Commission. He thought that the work of consolidation could best be carried on >ty a staff of lawyers, in whose hands it should be implicitly left. Lord WENSLEYDALE thought the work should be given to one salaried officer, who should deeete his whole time to it.

PUBLIC HEALTH. Mr. LOWE moved the third reading of the Public Health Bill. When the Central Board of Health was abolished, he ob- served, the compulsory powers possessed by that Board, which could not be given to the local Boards, were vested in the Privy Council by an Act which had been continued from year to year, and would expire in a few days. The bill proposed to make this Act perpetual, with certain modifica- tions, not conferring upon the Privy Council any general compulsory powers. Ire explained at some length the scheme and main provisions of the measure.

A debate arose on the motion, in the course of which Mr. HENLEY ob- jected to the permanent character of the measure; Mr. THOMAS DUNCOIEBB to the salaries of the officers of the department ; Mr. AYRTON to the powers given to the Privy Council. On a division the third reading was carried by 95 to 101.

Meraoreei ConeorterioNs. This bill abolishes certain oaths objection- able to Dissenters and a hindrance to their participation in local govern- ment. On the motion that it be read a secondlime, Mr. Esreourer, Mr.

Newnewere, Mr. SPOONER, and Mr. HENLEY, made a stout opposition, on the ground that the bill attacked the Church of England. Second reading carried by 130 to 44.

BARRISTERS AND SOLICTTORS (IRELAND). Mr. WI/ARON moved for leave to bring in a bill to amend certain laws and statutes relating to the admission of barristers and solicitors to practise in Ireland, said one rof the objects of the bill was to repeal a statute of Henry VIII., which rendered it necessary for students going to the bar in Ireland to attend a certain number of terms in one of the Inns of Court in England. Mr. BRADY seconded the motion. Mr. WHITESIDE and Mr. Mamas opposed the mo- tion; but it was carried by 179 to 123.

THE Cosrrnacrs COMAUTTEE. Mr. BOUVERIE brought under the notice of the House a petition from Sir William Russell, stating that the inquiry into the case of the Dover contract by the Contracts Committee sesekl be prejudicial to his petition against the return of Admiral Leeke for Dover, and praying that the Contracts Committee should not investigate the sub-

bect. His chief argument was that the Contracts Committee would not an impartial tribunal, seeing that four of its Members belonged to the late government. Mr. Bouverie then entered into a long explanation of the circumstances under which Mr. Churchward, a men convicted of bribery at Plymouth in 1852, obtained a renewal of the contract and a grant of money for additional services. Mr. Churchward asked for a renewal. in February ; the Postmaster-General objected, but the Admiralty and Treasury agreed to grant it. It was granted on the 15th of April. Now it happened that during the previous interval the late government was defeated, a disso- lution was determined on, the Admiralty resolved to contest Dover, and Mr. Churchward, an influential man there, got his contract. Mr. Bouverie insisted that these matters would be better investigated by an election com- mittee, sworn to a just deliverance. He moved for instruction to the Con- tracts Committee not to inquire into the Dover case until Sir W. Russell's petition had been disposed of.

Sir STAFFORD NORTHCOTE said he and those who sat around him desired that truth should be brought to light. He argued that the two committees should take their course, and held that it would be for the benefit of Sir William Russell that there should be two inquiries. Sir Stafford entered into a long justification of the renewal of the Dover contract. It was granted to Mr. Churchward in 1852 by Lord Aberdeen after an open oom- petition, and it was renewed in 1855. After this period the doubling of the Indian mail increased the service for which Mr. Churchward was liable, and it was for that he asked compensation. Sir Stafford explained that Mr. Churchward asked for an extension of the contract on the ground of heavy losses, and that the period pointed to by Mr. Bouverie was occupied in looking into his claims. They offered to increase the subsidy rather than renew the contract, but Mr. Churchward said nothing but renewal would meet his case. Sir Stafford had acted in the matter only with a view to the public service. He challenged the fullest inquiry, and if the House thought the best mode of proceeding would be that suggested by Mr. Bouverie he was ready to agree to it.

In the course of a long debate Mr. COWPER and Mr. COLLIER supported, while Mr. HENLEY, Mr. WHITESIDE, and Mr. Damsel.' opposed it. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER suggested that Sir William Russell's petition should be referred to the Contract Committee ,• but Sir FRANCIS BARING said the committee had determined not to alter their course of pro- ceeding without an instruction from the House. Lord Pamaams.rou op- posed the motion. On a division it was negatived by 223 to 61.

THE QUEEN'S PRINTERS' PATENT. Mr. BAINES moved for a Select Committee to inquire into the Queen's Printers' Patent in respect to the printing of the Holy Scriptures. He showed that the patents, formerly existing in Scotland and Ireland, have been abolished. The patent in this country will soon expire. Lord Coke said these patents are opposed to the law and liberty of England. Mr. Baines was sure that Sir George Lewis was too much of an economist to defend a monopoly. Sir GEORGE LEWIS was prepared to agree to the motion ; but he showed that in consequence of the competition between the Queen's Printer and the Universities there has been great cheapness, that the monopoly is at present exclusively confined to the authorized edition of the Bible without notes, that whereas the work of authentication in Scotland is kept up by an annual vote, in England it costa nothing. Although he was sot prepared to defend monopoly, yet he believed that were the patent allowed to expire, the editions of the Bible would not be either more accurate or less expen- sive than they are at present. Motion agreed to. AUTUMN SESSIONS. Mr. J. FORSTER moved that an address should be presented to the Crown praying her Majesty to provide a remedy agairst protracted summer sessions by assembling Parliament before Christmas. He said that the health of the Members and the public business are prejadiced by the present arrangement. Mr. EwART seconded the motion, remarking that it would probably be opposed by the legal as well as the sporting in- terest. Mr. CLAY and Colonel FRENCH supported the motion. On the other side were Mr. Berermicx, Mr. LIDDELL, Lord Ceram Bamivrosr, Lord JOHN RUSSELL, and Lord Parareasrosr. They said that the evil was in long speeches, pottering motions and questions, and the system of business. The change proposed would make an inroad on English life. There is so much more business to be done and the best remedy would be to facilitate the progress of business. Lord PALMERSTON said the change was demanded solely on personal considerations. He had sat in autumn ses- sions and had been made very ill. A man could hardly hear himself speak for the coughing. Members came wet through to the House and were laid up with bronchitis. It was said Members wanted to go shooting and hunting ; but many have the more important duties of hospitality and charity to perform at Christmas. If they metro the autumn there would be that great meonvenience, a break in business. Scotch and Irish Members could not fairly be brought to London for a short sitting. Parliaments that met in the autumn have sat just as late into the summer as they would have done had they met after Christmas. Parliament is influenced by the habits of the country, and the House must adapt itself to the habits of the time.

Mr. FoRs.rER was willing to withdraw his motion, but a Member in- sisted on a division, when the motion was negatived by 121 to 48.

PuaxIc PARES AND GARDENS. In Committee of Supply an item of 78,8471. was proposed to defray the expense of maintaining public parks and gardens. Sir JOHN PAXTON objected that Kew had been diverted from a botanic to a flower garden, and had thereby become a rival to the Crystal Palace. They asked 30,0001. for a new conservatory ; an acre could be covered for 10,0001. They proposed to spend 30,0001. in purifying the Ser- pentine, and making an island therein : that would destroy the grandeur of its effect altogether. Hyde Park has been " gardenized ' ; whereas a park should be green turf and beautiful trees. Lord JOHN MANN:ems defended the items relating to Kew and the Ser- pentine. Mr. WILLIAMS complained of the erection in Hyde Park [the work of Lord John Manners] for the sale of lollypops and gingerbread. Mr. GRIFFITH was aghast at the idea. of an island in the Serpentine. Mr. FITZROY showed how beneficial the Parks are to the poor. He had not as- sented to the plan proposed for cleansing the Serpentine, but he hoped soon to produce a plan. Kew has been visited by nearly half a million of persons, chiefly of the working class. They enjoy themselves there in a quiet and respectable manner. Lord PArauensTosi said no one could object to spending money to afford the poor places of recreation. He might recom- mend Sir John Paxton to make gardens conducted on the commercial prin- ciple more attractive, and not complain that Mr. Fitzroy's efforts were so successful in regard to these parks. The vote was agreed to.

TELEGRAPHIC LINES OF COMMUNICATION. Lord STANLEY of ALDER- LEY presented a petition from the Lord Mayor and many eminent men in the City of London praying that measures may be taken to promote tele- graphic communication with our foreign possessions independent of any other nation. The Earl of ELLENBOEOUGH supported the petition and en- larged on the necessity of having an independent line to Gibraltar. He hoped we should draw closer our relations with the United States. The two great branches of the Anglo-Saxon family will find it their interest to adopt some treaty for mutual protection. Earl GRAsrvILLE concurred. He par- ticularly agreed in the opinion that we should draw closer the bonds that unite us to America.

MINISTERS OF THE CROWN. Mr. VINCENT SCULLY moved for a sin- gular return on Tuesday. He wished to have a return, in chronological order, of all Ministers of the Crown appointed since the Act of Union in 1800, distinguishing Cabinet Ministers from those not in the Cabinet ,• and of all persons appointed Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, Lord Chancellor of Ireland, and Irish Chief Secretary during the same interval. He desired to see how many Irishmen have held- these offices. Latterly they have been excluded from the Cabinet—" excluded altogether." There has not been a Roman Catholic Cabinet Minister for thirty years. In a strain of light humour, Mr. Scully described Lord Palmerston as doing the Irishman himself in the present Cabinet, which he likened to an omnibus with four- teen inside. The Irish section of the Liberal party has been overlooked. The results of the present system are shown in the return of only twenty- five instead of seventy-five Liberal Irish Members. The motion was re- sisted by both sides, on the ground that all the information required could be found in the library; and it was negatived without a division.

THE Dem/nuts PRINCIPALITIES. In reply to a question from Lord Stratford de Redeliffe, Lord WODEHOUSE said that the parties who signed the treaty of Paris had agreed to recognize Colonel Couza as Hospodar of both Principalities ,but only " as an exceptional case."