THE CONSERVATIVE DEMONSTRATION.
The Conservative party, having decreed an oration to their leaders— Lord Derby and Mr. Disraeli—the demonstration took place in the hall of the Merchant Taylors' Company, a site consecrated toparty gatherings. The Earl of March occupied the chair, the Marquis of Bath the vice- chair. Lord Derby, wearing the Blue Riband, sat on the right and Mr. Disraeli on the left of the chairman. Some three hundred Conserva- tives, mostly Members of Parliament, met to dine and do honour to their Chiefs. The Countess of Derby and a bevy of ladies were in a gallery above the chairman.
After the business of dining was over came the routine toasts, Lord Beauchamp answering for the Army and Lord Hardwicke for the Navy. Then the chairman, in a speech of hearty compliment, proposed the toast of the evening—" The health of the Earl of Derby and Mr. Disraeli."
Lord Derby, vehemently applaudid, then made a long and eloquent speech. He thanked them for the cordial reception they had given him ; a reception which might have been expected by triumphant leaders, but .in this case conferred at the moment of Parliamentary failure, when their leaders bad been thrust from power, what way he would not say. Retirement from office carries with it disappointment ; friends and sup- porters see their hopes cast down. For every friend whom a Minister may oblige, he must disappoint ten or twenty others. Nor are there only personal disappointments. A Minister must retire with a certain sense that he has been unable fully to accomplish all that his adherents might fairly have looked for or the country have required. But, my Lords and gentlemen, although we are defeated, I am happy to think that we are not disgraced—(loud cheers); and if I rightly appre- ciate the tone and character of this meeting, not onl are we not disgraced, but we are not discouraged or disheartened. (Cheers. We have before us a proud and noble cause, we have a united party, we have a gallant band of friends, bound together by ties of constitutional association, and personal feeling, and we have above all a Sovereign who never stepping out of her proper constitutional position will ever be disposed to regard with favour and with confidence any Minister who has the honour of serving her, if she believes that it is his wish and endeavour to serve her faithfully and well. (Cheers.) I will take this opportunity of adverting for a single moment to that mark of her Majesty's gracious favour to which my noble friend has adverted in such kind terms. There was nothing in that mark of distinction which was so valuable in my eyes as that it was conferred with a graciousness and favour which I can never forget. It was conferred as a mark of personal approval of imperfect services, by a Sovereign whom no one can approach in that confidential intercourse which must subsist be- tween her and her Minister without the deepest feelings of personal attachment and devotion, added to those of constitutional loyalty, which we must all feel. I have said that, though defeated, I believed we are neither disgraced nor disheartened ; and we have the satisfaction at all events of knowing, as far as the present Government have gone, that not only our friends and supporters, but, I believe, the country generally, and even our very opponents themselves, have borne the highest testimony not only to the principles, but to the practice, of the late Ministry. If we speak of that which is the most pressing, and which has been among our most anxious cares—the position of the foreign affairs of this country—we are told by the Prime Minister who has succeeded us, that it will be the earnest endeavour of her Majesty's present Government to walk in the paths which we have chalked out for them. (Great cheering) If we advert to the efforts which we have made for the restoration of the great arm of this country—its navy—to a proper state of efficiency and power, we are congratulated by our opponents upon the energy and vigour displayed by my right honourable friend late at the head of the Admiralty. If we speak of the position of the army, hardly any terms are deemed warm enough in which to eulogize the services of my right honourable and gallant friend lately connected with that department. If, on the other hand, the question is what additions ought to be made to the naval strength of the country, We intend,' say the present Government, to act upon and even to go beyond the example which has been set us by our predecessors.' And let me say that in deviating in one respect from our example in regard to the navy I think the present Government, in seeking to exceed our liberality, have act a very. bad and dangerous pre- cedent. If they are asked with respect to the maintenance of the embodied Militia, and the calling out of additional regiments from among those which are now disembodied, the present Government say, As to that it is enough for us to follow exactly the line which our predecessors adopted.' If, then, this harmony so happily exists between the late and the present Government, we are almost tempted to ask, Why is it that we are sitting upon the left and not upon the right of the Speaker ? ' (Cheers and laughter.) My Lords and gentlemen, we have submitted to a defeat in the House of Commons which, whatever might be the merits of the question which was raised, at all events had this peculiarity by the confession of one of its principal supporters, that it was a motion upon which it was un- necessary to give any precise reasons for the vote. It was, however, a vote which, in the minds of my colleagues and myself, and I believe in the minds of every gentleman who hears me, rendered it absolutely impossible for us satisfactorily or honourably to endeavour to carry on the business of the country. We had recently appealed to the country, and the result of that appeal, although it added to our strength, was not sufficient to give us a majority of the House of Commons. Acting, therefore, on constitutional principles, we felt it to be our duty to resign our offices. But I greatlydoubt, doubt, when the composition of the new Ministry is considered, if we had followed the example of our predecessors, and, declining to give any reason. for our votes, had made the proposition that the Ministry, as at present constituted, does not enjoy the confidence of the House of Commons—I doubt, I say, whether we could not have carried against them a similar vote to that which they succeeded in carrying against us. If you ask me, then, why that course was not taken, I answer at once that it was a course which would have borne the appearance of faction, a course which would have too closely resembled that which was adopted against us, and which we had condemned. (Cheers.) It was a course, too, which, though it might have served party purposes, would have been unworthy of the Conservative cause, inasmuch as it would have tended seriously to embarrass the public interests. We, therefore, bowed to the verdict of the House of Commons. And, gentlemen, if you will listen to my humble advice as you have done on former occasions, I exhort you to exhibit in the present difficult circumstances of the country the same for- bearance, the same moderation, the some adherence to your own principles,. and the same unity among yourselves, which you have hitherto displayed. It is not our part factiously to interrupt the business of the country; it is our part carefully to watch the conduct of the present motley Administration. (Cheers and laughter.) If we see its less Conservative ingredients inclined weakly to yield to the exorbitant demands of its Radical clement, it will be for us, with the united voice of our three hundred Members in the House of Commons, to check such yielding. On the other hand, if we see that the more Conservative portion of the present Cabinet, following out the views of those who have preceded them, are disposed to resist the unreasonable demands of their followers, it is not for us to join in supporting opinions opposed to those which we entertain, but, forgetful of all personal considera- tions, to maintain and uphold whatever there may be of Conservative action. in the ranks of our opponents. My noble friend, who has proposed our healths, has paid us a very high and undeserved compliment—(Grits of "Ho, no !")—not for the earnestness and diligence with which we have carried out our task, but for the success with which we have been enabled to conduct the affairs of this great country. But it is not to their leaders so much as to the party as a body. that that success has been due. It is by their confidence, by their union among themselves, by their sacrificing minor points and private and personal considerations, and by their deter- mining to follow the advice of their leaders, even where that advice tends to greater moderation and more abstinence from party excitement than some may at times think desirable—it is these means and your Parliamentary union and discipline which give you the position which, though not con- stituting a Government, you must continue to hold in the councils of this great country." (Cheers.) Another reason for abstinence from vexation is the state of the country, which at no time in Lord Derby's memory has been in greater anxiety or uncertainty with respect to the future. It was the desire of his Govern- ment, he went on to say, to maintain impartial neutrality. Great injustice has been done to Lord Malmesbury who has been most industriously and rancorously defamed. Had the correspondence which has been produced been produced sooner it would have made a difference in opinion. "We have the satisfaction of knowing that in the minds of English statesmen of all parties, and in the minds of foreigners, the production of these papers has proved that we maintained in practice, as we bad professed, the strictest and most impartial neutrality. If we tendered in vain our exhortations and our entreaties, it was not for want of earnestness or of impartiality that they failed in preventing the two parties,. both previously determined on war, from taking that last and most fatal step. (Cheers.) That war has for the moment terminated, and every friend of humanity must rejoice in the cessation of the effusion of those torrents of human blood which have
been poured forth so profusely and so recklessly at Magenta, at Solferino, and other fields in Italy. It is too early to speak to you of the exact condi- tions of this truce or peace. But I confess to you that, from the information
we at present possess, I look to the state of affairs arising out of the peace as more critical and dangerous than anything which existed before. (Chars.) In my opinion, as I have avowed on former occasions, that war was com- menced upon insufficient grounds and on false pretexts ; for of all those pur- poses which were put forward to justify the war, there is not one which has been supported or attained by the struggle which has taken place ; there are several which are placed in positions of greater jeopardy than they stood in before the war. (Cheers.) I, who honour constitutional governmenta- 1, who, in common with the true friends of liberty, looked with the most earnest admiration upon the example of the kingdom of Sardinia struggling into a state of constitutional freedom, avoiding the excesses of despotism on the one hand, and of unlimited license on the other, saw with pain that its Government were not content with the enjoyment of its own liberties and its own constitution—were not satisfied with making that con- stitution by its effects upon their happiness and domestic comfort an ex- ample which the rest of Italy might copy—I saw them, I say with regret, depart from that constitutional course, 'endeavouring to excite animosity, dark intrigues, and machinations among other States, and for that purpose maintaining armies ruinous to their own finances, and which have proved destructive to their own comfort. I foresaw that in inviting the coopera- tion of a powerful neighbour against the fancied apprehension of invasion on the part of Austria, they were in effect bringing down on themselves, as well as upon the rest of Italy, the most serious dangers and the most inevit- able calamities. And what, I ask you, has been the result of this effusion of the blood of 100,000 men—for not less than that number have been put hors do combat in the course of this campaign ? What was the plea ? The presence of the foreigner in Italy, the mal-government of the Papal States, the discontent and dissatisfaction of the inhabitants, and the necessity of liberating them from a foreigujyoke, and leaving them free to choose their own form ofgovernment. At the expiration of this struggle what are the terms upon which, as far as we know, this peace has been made, and what are the advantages which have been gained to the freedom of Italy by all this carnage ? The Constitution of Sardinia itself has been suspended—I hope only during the continuance of the struggle. The Milanese, the posses- sion of which was recognised by the Emperor Napoleon as the just patrimony of Austria, as long as she confined herself within her own limits, and from which there was no pretence for driving her, Austria has renounced. Has Milan the choice of a Government ? No ! But all is settled ; France ac- cepts from Austria the gift of that very territory which it was contended Austria had no right to, and France contemptuously flings it over into the hands of her supporter Sardinia. I am not saying that the Italian nations had no muse to complain of the Governments under which they were placed ; but if the freedom of Italy was her anxiety what would have been the course of Sardinia ? That country has annexed Lombardy with the consent of her powerful supporter,—with what satisfaction to the inhabi- tants of Lombardy and even of Piedmont remains yet to be seen. She has sought to annex Modena, Parma, and Tuscany ; but she has had a veto put upon the ambitious projects which she entertained, and the result of all her efforts and machinations has been this—that Tuscany, Modena, and I hope Panne, are by the authority of the foreigner, and perhaps of Piedmont itself, to be restored to their former position. What has been done for the improvement of the Government of the Papal States? Nothing! But we are told there is to be an Italian Confederation of all the States under their former rulers, including Venetia, under Austria. That Con- federation, including Piedmont itself, is to be subject to the Presidency— the honorary presidency—of the Sovereign Pontiff of the Roman States. These are the results to the promised liberty ofj Italy from the carnage which has taken place. Do not understand Inc to be pronouncing any opi- nion with respect to the probable effect of this truce. But one result I think is inevitable, which is that those friends of liberty, whether of liberty in excess or in moderation, but more especially those friends of extreme liberty, whose hopes and expectations have been excited by the interference of France and Sardinia, will be doubly disappointed at the failure of their cherished anticipations. Far better would it have been to hold out no hopes at all than by foreign intervention to encourage and excite those hopes and then dash the cup to the ground from the lips of a sensitive people, with all the possible consequences of that disappointment. (Cheers.) I rejoice that the war, under any circumstances, has been stopped where it has been. I give the Emperor of the French the highest credit for the va- rious motives of humanity and policy which dictated the course he has taken in thus early putting an end to the horrors of war, because I believe that a very little more and the conflagration would have extended over the whole _ of Europe, and it is impossible to say at what time the termination of this war would then have taken place. But I say this position of affairs gives room for serious thought and anxious consideration to England. The pas- sions of men throughout Europe have been excited. Great armaments have been brought together. Above all, in France that strong mili- tary feeling which used to be predominant in that country, but which for a time appeared to have predominant
lulled to sleep, and had given
way to feelings of peace—this military ardour has been again called forth, and the sudden cessation of the war has not permitted the passions which have been so kindled to be satisfied. France has now not only a powerful army, but she is continuing to increase in efficiency a most powerful and most threatening fleet, which is by no means necessary for purposes of self-defence. France may safely rely upon her army, but her powerful fleets must be to the other nations of the world an object, not of self-defence, but of aggression. I believe sincerely that the Emperor of the French is desirous of maintaining friendly relations with this country, and I 'earnestly hope they may be maintained. But I say those friendly relations will be imperilled if, in order to guard against the possibility of an alteration of feeling on his own part or on that of his country, we are obliged to make the almost superhuman efforts which we are making and must continue to make for the purpose of keeping our Navy in that state of warlike preparation which is essential to the very existence of this country. I say we desire to remain at peace, and that desire, I am sure, is shared in by the present Government ; but the position of France at this moment with her powerful army, with a large and increasing navy, and the military spirit awakened in the people, whatever may be the personal objects and wishes of the Emperor, must endanger the friendly relations which should exist between us, and may lead to a war which must be fatal to the happiness and interests of Europe. I look with anxiety but with confidence to my countrymen that they will not suffer this or any other Government to slacken in those efforts which are imperatively necessary to place this country on a footing of perfect security. (Cheers.) However much I may trust in the good feeling, the good wishes, and sound policy of the Emperor of the French, I echo the noble sentiment uttered the other night by my illustrious and venerable friend, Lord Lyndhurst, that, what- ever confidence I may have in others, I will not consent to be dependent for the safety, honour, and interests of this country on the good-will or for- bearance of France, or any other country in the world. Gentlemen, earnestly desirous as I am for the preservation of peace, I am satisfied that you go along with me in saying that it is the first duty of this country to be thoroughly prepared for self-defence ; that no false economy, no nig- gardly parsimony, must deprive her of the best and most earnest efforts to strengthen and improve her national defences. I am certain of this that whatever demands may be made, whatever sacrifices may be asked for, by whomsoever, or by whatsoever Government these sacrifices may be called for, or those demands may be made, they will be cheerfully and cordially assented to, at all events, by those whose boast it is to be the great Con- servative party of this country." (Cheers.) Before he sat down Lord Derby bade them remember that if rash measures were attempted to be carried in the House of Commons there is a power in the House of Lords to arrest their progress ; but that if Conservative principles were to be maintained they must be maintained in the House of Commons. He reminded them that the season of re- gistration was about to commence, and he reiterated the advice formerly
given by an eminent statesman—" Register ! Register ! Register! " He concluded with a high compliment to Mr. Disraeli, and an ex- hortation to unity.
Mr. Disraeli's speech was a prolonged exhortation on the duty of reviving, cherishing, and exercising party spirit. His text was, "No Party, no Parliament." And he showed this by referring to, other assemblies which have been established but which have not flourished, because unlike our famous Parliament they were without party spirit. It is quite impossible that a vigorous and direct policy can be maintained in this country, unless the principles of party are recognized as one of the first bonds of public life. The only persons that can suffer by eri, couraging the cant that party spirit is extinct, are those who compose the Conservative party. " I hold that there are two parties in this country, and only two. There may be many opinions prevalent—there may be many noisy sections, but when you come to the question of the possession of power you find practi- cally that there are only two parties. Now, there is a party in this country which has always held that it is for the advantage of public liberty and good government that the administration of public affairs should be carried on by .a federation of great families. (Cheers and laughter.) No doubt that principle is sanctioned by distinguished services, and by many memorable events ; but there is another party in the State which has always held it to be the best security for public liberty and good government to maintain the institutions of the country, to uphold the prerogatives of the Crown, to sup- port the privileges of Parliament, whether hereditary or elective, to main- tain the national church in alliance with the State, to sustain that great fabric of local government which has planted liberty throughout the land, and has been mainly supported by independent corporations, and, above all, by an independent body of magistrates." He then described how in 1630 the Tories were "caught napping," and how the Reform Bill was calcu- lated to prevent their return to_power. But they had returned four times, and each time with increased sympathy in their favour. The Derby Cabinet quitted office by an " accident ;' but they carried with them the confidence and approbation of the country. The feeling of the country is in favour of the Tories. Lord Derby was defeated, not because the country did not respond to his appeal, but because it did not respond enough. All that is required is that the Tory voters should " register. ' After some re- marks on the theme that if we are to have war, the Tories must be our leaders, Mr. Disraeli said—" My Lords and Gentlemen—I have now to thank you not only for the great honour done me by asking me to be your guest today, but also to offer you my gratitude for the generous confidence which now for many years you have been pleased to extend to me. (Loud cheers.) I know well that your confidence during that period has stood many tests and many trials. In times of great difficulty I have experienced from you a forbearing and favourable construction of my conduct. Do be- lieve me when I say unaffectedly that at those anxious periods I have been sustained by some conscious reotitude of purpose. (Renewed cheers.) I can truly say that from the earliest moment when I gave my attention to public affairs, I have ever had it as one of my main objects to restoie the power and repute of the great party to which we are proud to belong, and which I believe to be intimately bound up with the welfare and renown of this country. My connexion with that party has existed in days of trial i and comparative adversity, but I have never ceased to have faith in its des- tinies, because I believed it was founded on principles to which the great body of the nation responded. In attempting, however humbly, to regulate its fortunes, I have always striven to distinguish that which was eternal from that which was but accidental in its opinions. I have always striven to assist in building it up on a broad and national basis, because I believed it to be a party peculiarly and essentially national—a party which adhered to the institutions of the country as embodying the national necessities, and forming the best security for the liberty, the power, and the prosperity of England." (Loud and prolonged cheering.) Mr. Thomas Baring proposed the health of Lord Mahnesbury, and Lord Malmesbury answered by replying to an article in a journal notoriously the echo of the opinions of the Prime Minister and of the French Government, declaring that the country is degraded, that it has become a power of secondary importance, owing to the conduct of the late Govern- ment, and all because in the extraordinary peace just made England has not been consulted. If we had taken part, if we had bombarded Venice, still peace would have been made without consulting us, as it was with- out consulting the King of Sardinia. He seemed to be of opinion that, as we took no part in this iniquitous war, so we should take no part in this unsatisfactory peace.
After some routine speeches from Lord Stanley, Sir John Pakington, and others, the company broke up.
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