BOOKS.
CENTRAL EUROPE.*
THE German policy of Mittel-Europa, which has been explained to all the world in Herr Naumann's book, seems more important as the war proceeds. There are obvious reasons for this Germany's fantastic hopes of foreign conquests are dwindling away ; her colonies have been taken from her—finally as we believe ; and if she is to retain a powerful position in the world, it can be only through concentrating the strength of both the German. and Austrian Empires and developing their combined influence among their immediate neighbours. Mittel-Europa, even in a somewhat shrunken and inglorious form, is a godsend to Germany just now, because she really has nothing else upon which she can found solid hopes. Although we have frequently discussed the ideas contained in Herr Naumann's book, we have not hitherto reviewed the book ; but in this case there is little difference between late and early, for the doctrine marches on, and is continually being called to mind (and, from the German point of view, being reinforced)
by political and military events. It must also be remembered that the economic questions inherent in the doctrine of " Central Europe " come up automatically for some sort of settlement at the end of this year. Then the Commercial Treaties, not only between Germany and Austria-Hungary, but between Austria and Hungary, will lapse, and if there should merely be a continuance of the present arrangements so long as the war lasts there will nevertheless be indications of what the new economic policy is to be. President Wilson said last week The demands made by Austria upon Serbia were a mere single step in the plan which compassed Europe and Asia, from Berlin to Baghdad. Tney hoped that those demands might not arouse Europe, but they meant to press them, whether they did or not. For they thought themselves ready for the final issue of arms. Their Flan was to throw a belt of German military power and politica. control across the very centre of Europe and beyond the Mediterranean into the heart of Asia, and Austria-Hungary was to be as much their tool and pawn as Serbia, Bulgaria, Turkey, or the ponderous States of the East. Austria-Hungary, indeed, was to become a part of the Central German Empire, absorbed and dominated by the same forces and influences that originally cemented the German States themselves. The dream had its heart at Berlin. It could have had its heart nowhere else."
Of course such a vision as that has faded—the Baghdad terminus is in British hands, and Islam is falling out of the German orbit— but President Wilson sees that if Germany achieves only what she still rationally hopes for, she will be in a position to inflict a terrible amount of evil upon the world.
It is not astonishing that Herr Naurnarm's book should have made a deeper impression on Germany than any book of recent times. The author writes for everybody ; he has enough learning and distinction to satisfy the well-educated and enough clearness and breeziness to attract the common mind. As an old Social Democrat, he understands how to make the most cunning kind of democratic appeal when he is in fact exalting Kaiserism. He is by no means an original thinker He is a " picker up of learning's crumbs " ; an extraordinarily able expositor of the spirit and the political tendencies of his day ; a collector and harmonizer of all the inchoate ideas of the politicians. His instinct for detecting the doctrine that will soon rise to the surface is almost uncanny, and his Spenccrian ingenuity in reconciling every fragment of evidence with his one great preconception is almost as remarkable. The former preacher of Free Trade has become the strong advocate of Customs duties. Professor Ashley in his excellent Introduction to the English translation of Herr Naumann's book summarizes
the vision of Mittel-Europa as follows :—
" That vision may be described as a loosely federal combination for purposes of offence and defence, military and economic, con- sisting primarily of the German Empire and the Dual Monarchy, but also including the Balkan States and Turkey, together with all the neutral States—Roumania, Greece, the Scandinavian kingdoms, and Holland—that can be drawn within its embrace. He rightly feels that the one thing essential from his point of view is to bring about the permanent association of Austria-Hungary and Germany, and to that issue he devotes all his argumentative power. It is seldom that he lets himself go, so far as to remark that the Central Europe of his vision obviously ' needs, in order to make it self- contained, ' an extension of its northern and southern sea-coast—if possible,' or, in another place, to reckon in the future population of the Central European Power ` the oversea possessions of neighbour- ing States '—Holland is meant= which have not yet joined us.' As a rule he follows his own frankly expressed caution : not to say much at the present stage about neutral countries."
In other words, the practical fusion of Germany and Austria- Hungary is the essential thing, and from this there may be enormous results or moderate results ; but in either case, according to the Mittel-Europa scheme, Austria-Hungary must be won over with the least possible delay. To all non-German readers the wooing of Austria-Hungary with a passion that is hampered by the use of nebulous and non-committing phrases is an extremely amusing
operation. •
• Central B pe. By Friedrich Naumann. With Intrcdrietion by W. J. Ashley. Translated by Lhrietabel M. Meredith. London : P. 6. King and Son. (7s. 6d. net.] What has the dignified, sensitive, and rather jealous Austria- Hungary to say to all this ? Does she want to be swallowed ? Herr Naumann's self-appointed task of course is to explain that being swallowed is really a delightful experience. He declares that sovereign rights must be respected, but he cannot refrain from speaking frequently of a " super-State " ; and though he promises Austria-Hungary that she shall be one of a confederation of equal States, he does not disguise the fact that what ho proposes is a kind of federal State with Germany as leader. The common business of this union will be managed by Joint Commissions, whose official language will be German. There is nothing whatever in the scheme, as Professor Ashley points out., to warrant the opinion, often expressed in Britain, that Free Trade between the partners is aimed at.. Possibly that method may be reached ultimately, but Herr Naumann is concerned only with the tariffs and preferences of the immediate future. His conviction is absolute that " Central Europe " can be almost a self-sufficing economic area. It was not to be expected that there should be any con- sideration for the Slav elements of Austria-Hungary, but a doubtful point is the attitude of the Magyars. The Magyars have long feared the commercial competition of Austria, and their fear of German competition under the proposed federation would naturally be very much greater. Herr Naumann is quite conscious of the difficulty, but in effect he argues that the Magyars want above all things to maintain their control over the other races of Hungary, and that powerful Germanic support is the only possible guarantee of their desires. There he is probably right. He suggests that the Magyars, who are for the most part agriculturists, should be given a prospect of regular profit in supplying the granaries of " Central Europe." Magyar manufacturers would also be bribed by concessions to the extent of their power, which is not very great. But really the determination of the Magyars to remain in a position to dominate Hungary decides the question. The Magyars are proud and independent, but not independent enough to be independent of Germany.
Another and a much more awkward question is how the preferential tariffs of " Central Europe " can be reconciled with the " most-favoured-nation " clauses in the old treaties between Germany and France and Britain and other countries. We should say that " Central Europe " cannot have it both ways, but the extraordinary fact is that Herr Naumann and his school hope for this incredible thing. Already the voice of Hamburg and its school—quite a weighty voice—asserts that nothing can compare with the importance of foreign trade. But Germany, or at all events Prussia, is in love with Mittel-Europa, and foreign trade will probably be fitted in as well as may be with the political sshemo that is now seen to be the only possible choice.
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