23 MARCH 1861, Page 5

Vrliatts Ruh Vrnathings litVarlifuntrt.

House or LORDS. Monday, March 18. Denmark and Germany; Lord Ellen- borough's Statement—The Duchess of Kent; Address of Condolence—Lord Canning; Lord Lyveden's Question—Lunacy Regulations Bill read a second time—Red Sea and India Telegraph Bill read a first time. Tuesday, March 19. Qualification for Oakes Bill, thrown out. Thursday, March 2L The Ionian Islands; Lord Normanby's Question—Metro- politan Hotel Bill, thrown out—lied Sea Telegraph Bill read a third time and passed —Queensland Government Bill read a second time. Friday, March 22. Royal assent to the Consolidated Fund (4,000,00014, the En- closure, the Bank of England Payments, and the Red Sea and India Telegraph Bills —Charitable Uses BM read a third time and passed. House OF COMMONS. Monday, March 18. The Duchess of Kent; Address of Con- dolence--Bankruptcy Bill passed through Committee—Post Office Savings Banks Bill read a second time—Meeting Bills read a second time. Tuesday, March 19. Income Tax; Mr. Crawford's Question—Affghan Despatches; Mr. Dunlop's Motion—" Count out" after midnight. Wednesday, March 20. County Rates and Expenditure; Sir John Trelawny's Bill negatived on second reading. Thursday, March 2L Ionian Islands ; Mr. Magifire's Question—Bankruptcy and Insolvency Bill report considered—Mutiny Bills committed—Admiralty COurt Juris- diction Bill read a second time. Friday, March 22. The Budget fixed for the 15th of April—The Bankruptcy Bill to be read a third time on the 8th of April--The " Kossuth Notes ;" Mr. T. Dun- combe's Question—Warsaw and Syria; Lord John Russell's statement—" Count out."

THE DUCHESS OF KENT. IN both Houses of Parliament motions were moved and carried that an address should be presented to her Majesty on the death of the Duchess of Kent, "to condole with her Majesty, and to express our sincere regret at that melancholy event; to assure her Majesty that we shall ever feel the warmest interest in whatever concerns her Ma- jesty's domestic relations; and to declare our ardent wishes for the kappmess of her Majesty and of her family."

The motion in the House of Lords was moved Ay Earl GELNvuzE and seconded by the Earl of DERBY ; and in the House of Commons the mover was Lord PALNEEsroN and the seconder Mr. DEuu-arz, Lord GRANVILLE said : " Your lordships are all aware that the Duchess of Kent at a very early age, and after a brief period of domestic happiness with her second husband, the Duke of Kent, was left in this country the guardian of that illustrious lady under whose rule we are now living. Since that melancholy event, with the exception of the loss of her eldest son, a few years ago, her life has been one of great pro.. sperity and success. From the moment of her arrival in this country she enjoyed the greatest popularity among all classes of the people down to the close of her existence the other day. She had the gratification of seeing her first family gain general esteem and respect by their conduct, and of seeing one of her grand- children distinguish himself, at the risk of his life, in the naval service of the country which she had adopted. She had further the satisfaction of beholding her youngest brother profiting not only by his own ability in administration, but by the information as to constitutional Government which he had acquired in England, to lead a friendly neighbouring country to the full appreciation of free and liberal institutions. The great historical event in the life of her Royal High- ness is her charge of the only child of her second marriage. In the twelfth year of her Majesty's life, her Royal Highness was unanimously chosen by Parliament as Regent o the country, in the event of the Sovereign's death while his successor was in her minority. Many of lour lordships may recollect that admirable speech of Lord Lyndhurst, in which be dwelt on the manner in which, up to that time, her Royal Highness had conducted the education of her child, and pointed her out for the important. and responsible duty which she was then called on to perform. Six years afterwards, she saw that daughter, at the early age of eighteen, not yet arrived at the years of womanhood, placed in the most difficult and responsible situation which any one of her age and sex could possibly occupy —the ruler of one of the greatest kingdoms in the world. In her daughter's reign she beheld Or beneficial effects of her previous education, and the influence of those personal qualities which she had fostered and developed. Soon after she saw the Queen, of her own free choice, contract a marriage which has been of great advantage to this countty, and which has led to a degree of domestic happi- ness not to be surpassed in any sphere of life. She saw her daughter reign for nearly a quarter of a century, cluing times of national glory and prosperity quite uuexampled. She saw her bring up a numerous family in a manner that gives us promise of their emulating her own private and public life. She had the sa- tisfaction of seeing her eldest grand-daughter, by her excellent qualities, gain the attachment of a neighbouring ally, and give birth to a son who will probably one day become the Sovereign of that country. She had seen the other children of the Queen visiting various parts of the world, and strengthening by their per- sonal behaviour that respect for the royal family of England which prevails so widely, and which, if I am not misinformed by my noble friend behind me, amounts in the colonies which are connected with us by every tradition of birth and history to a feeling of the most profound veneration and affection. Her Royal Highness had lived beyond the period which the Psalmist tells us is alloted to the age of man, and showed in her last hours, when she was cheered by the pre- sence of her family, singular patience and resignation under a most cruel malady. Your lordships cannot be unaware how strong were the ties which bound together the illustrious mother and daughter, how deep are the domestic feelings of the Queen, and how few trials of this sort she has experienced." Lord DERBY spoke in terms of the highest praise of the Queen, who has se identified herself with the interests of her people, that "any event in the slightest degree affecting her Majesty's feelings should not at the same time call forth the warm and cordial sympathy of the whole people. We rejoice in any circumstance which can add. to her Majesty's happiness. We regret that even the slightest cloud should for a moment overshadow her. We cannot, then, withhold the fullest tide of our sympathy. and the expressions of our loyal affection at a moment when her Majesty is visited by an affliction the very deepest which has yet befallen her, an affliction which involves all the purest, dearest, and deepest affections of our nature. I am satisfied that your lordships will give a cordial and ready support to the address of condolence."

Lord PALMERSTON said:

"It is the usual lot of royal families that mothers and daughters are separated at an early period of the life of the children. Marriage takes the daughter to another land from that inhabited by the mother, and, although that separation in no degree diminishes the strength of natural affection, yet, nevertheless, the habitual separation in some degree mitigates and prepares the more perpetual separation which the course of nature may bring about. But that has not been the case in the present instance. From the earliest infancy of her Majesty, the mother and daughter have been perpetually together, and their daily intercourse has been that of mutual affection and reciprocal confidence. To the care and attention of the late Duchess of Kent we owe in a great degree that full develop- ment which we 80 much admire of those great and eminent qualities by which our Sovereign is distinguished (cheers); while, on the other hand, the affectionate care of the Sovereign has enabled her to repay by her kindness and attention those advantages which the mother was able to confer in the earliest years of her daughter's existence. Therefore, it is natural that this blow, however in the ordinary course of nature, has come upon her Majesty with great and intense pain, and I am persuaded that this House will discharge a satisfactory duty in conveying to her Majesty, by the address I now propose, the expression of their respectful condolence, their devoted attachment and loyalty to the Crown, and the deep interest which they feel in everything that affects the happiness of her Majesty in her domestic circle." (Cheers.) Mr. Dna 4EIS also spoke in praise of the Queen, as well as of her august mother. Then he said: " For the great grief which has fallen on the Queen there is only one source of human consolation—the recollection of unbroken devotedness to the being whom we have loved and whom we have lost. That tranquillity and sustaining memory is the inheritance of our Sovereign. It is generally supposed that the anguish of affection is scarcely compatible with the pomp of power, but that is not so in the present instance. She who reigns over us has elected, amid all the splendour of empire, to establish her life on the principle of domestic love. (Cheers.) Ills this—it is the remembrance and consciousness of this—which now sincerely saddens the public spirit, and permits a nation to bear its heartfelt sympathy to ;be feet of a bereaved Throne, and whisper solace even to a royal heart." (Cheers.)

TiEe AFFGHAN Wen BLUE-BOOKS.

Mr. DUNLOP, on Tuesday night, called attention to what he called "one of the grossest falsifications of public documents ever perpe- trated in this country." In 1839, certain papers relating to the pro- ceedings in Afghanistan were laid on the table. Sir Alexander Burnes, who took part in those affairs, complained that injustice had been done to him—the despatches had been mutilated. When attempts were made to obtain authentic copies, they were refused and Lord Broughton gave an assurance that there had been no garbling. But in 1851 Mr. Kaye made it clear that the despatches had been greatly mutilated; fresh motions were made, one was defeated, but in 1858 Lord Stanley consented to produce the papers. When he read them and compared them with those of 1839, Mr. Dunlop was filled with amazement, in- dignation and shame. His charge was that the despatches of Burnes were mutilated.after this fashion:

"On the 15th of November, 1837, a despatch was written by Sir A. Burnes containing five paragraphs. As published in 1839, the despatch was reduced to three paragraphs. In all his official despatches Sir A. Burnes numbered the paragraphs, but in the copies as printed the numbers were discarded. In the ease of the omitted paragraphs there was no mark to show that any omission had taken place, and in subsequent letters, where reference was made to the para- graphs, the reference was always expunged."

Mr. Dunlop gave an abundance of instances where part of a 'de- spatch was printed as if it were the whole. He went deeply into the occurrence of the time to show that Sir A. Burnes believed in the faithfulness of Dost Mohammed, that the Government of the -day had an interest in suppressing the fact, because Burnes had indicated the steps which would have prevented the war.

"It had been the hoast of thiscountry, that whatever lie might be palmed off by unscrupulous monarchs abroad, in this country our papers might be relied upon. In this case, however, papers had been laid upon the table of that House which were as worthless as any documents produced by the most despotic Sove- reigns of the Continent. Really, since he had read these despatches he never knew whether or not to trust to the papers which were laid upon the table. More than that, the Ministry had offered insult and dishonour to the Sovereign. These papers were laid upon the table by her Majesty's command. Her name was appealed to as the stamp of their truthfulness and authenticity, and her servants had not shrunk ft-urn using that name as the voucher and cover of a he. They had also committed a fraud upon Parliament. Ministers were responsible to Parliament, from which they asked a judgment upon their .conduct; but, instead of laying before that House the real and genuine documents, they had abstracted those which contained statements of the most important facts, had fabricated an altogether different set of papers, and by that means had sought to avoid censure."

Mr. Dunlop moved for a Select Committee to consider the "Corre- spondence relating to Affghanistan," as presented to this House in 39, and the same correspondence as presented in 1858, and printed by special order of the House in 1859, and to report on the -discre- pancies between the two; and also to inquire into the circumstances of the preparation of that correspondence for being presented on the former of these occasions; and to report their opinion whether any, and, if any, what precautions should be taken to secure that docu- ments presented to this House by the Government as copies or extracts of correspondence or other papers shall give a true represen- tation of the contents of such correspondence or papers.

Sir HENRY WILLOUGHBY seconded the motion.

Lord PALIEERSTON, much moved, said it was usual for a Member who has to reply to another to compliment him on his temper and moderation. He could not pay this compliment to Mr. Dunlop. He would have displayed more judgment had he abstained from violent vituperation, those accusations of falsehood and perjury, which Lord Palmerston repudiated in terms as strong as those used by Mr. Dunlop. Lord Palmerston then proceeded to treat the speech under two heads: that which related to our policy in Affghanistan, and that winch related to the•memory of Sir Alexander Burnes. He did not admit that the papers conveyed a false impression in regard to the manner in which Burnes performed his duties. Going into the facts, Lord Palmerston sought to show that Burnes had been imposed upon by Dost Mahommed, that the Governor-General and the Home Go- vernment, acting on a larger range of facts, arrived at conclusions opposite to those of Sir Alexander, and he implied that the passages suppressed were suppressed becausetheyrelated solely tothe opinions of Burnes; that, had,they been published, the despatches of the Go- vernor-General, condemning him, must have been published also; and that it was for the Governor=General, and not for Sir A. Burnes, to judge of our policy in India. 'These assertions were sustained ty an array of historical facts. The whole of Mr. Dunlop's argument, he said, "rests on the assertion that the opinion of Lieutenant Burnes should have been the guide of the Government of Inclia,,and that they deserved every epithet of vituperation which the honourable and learned member out of his ample vocabulaxly has been pleased to cast upon them, because they refused to be guided by that opinion. It was a short-sighted view that Burnes took, and not one upon which a responsible -Government would have been justified in acting in so grave and important a matter.

"Lieutenant Burnes acted according to the best of his intentions. He thought he was doing right in holding out hopes to Dust Mahommed and in making provi- sional engagements with the Ameers of Candahar. But his view was a short- sighted view. It was not the policy on which the Indian Government thought right to act, and it should not be made the ground of a charge against the Indian Government that they were not swayed by the opinions of Lieutenant Burnes.

"What was the object for which these papers were laid before Parliament ? ("Hear, hear!" from Mr. Bright.) It was to show the particular course of policy adopted by the Indian Government. The papers do show all the reasons Which induced them to act, and if those reasons are sufficient there is-their justification. If they fall short of being sufficient, the justification is wanting. These operations were discussed fully at the time, and I am not aware that the result of that full discussion was to express the blame of Parliament upon the course which was then pursued."

Lord Palmerston did not believe the passages left out alter in any degree the grounds upon which the system of operations and course of policy as to Affghanistan were based. As regards the last part of Mr. Dunlop's resolution he dissented from that on various grounds, and showed that to do what he proposed would injure the public service. •

Mr. IlittanT began by a home-thrust at the Premier. He said:

"I observed when the noble lord rose, from his countenance wind language, that he seemed to be suffering somewhat from the passion of anger. [Lord PAt-MERSTON: "Not much.") .1 admit that in the course of his speecu the noble lord calmed down, but he was so far led from what I think was a fair course ante charge the hon. and learned gentleman who introduced this motion with making a violently vituperative speech." Mr. Bright thought that Mr. Dunlop's speech was judicially calm. "But the fact is the noble lord felt 'himself hit. The noble lord is on his trial in this ease If the passages omitted were unimportant, wiry were the despatches mutilated with minute, ingenious, unmatched care-? Why, if he thought Sir A. Barnes unfit for his post, did he continue him in it.? The -noble lord evaded the -whole question. It was not proposed to inquire into the policy of the war ; Mr. Dunlop had.= such intention, yet Lord Palmerston tried to convey an pression that he lad. It was not proposed to go into the designs of Russia. The whole of the policy in Affghanistan "is a great crime," -no man can measure it, no committee can punish its perpetrators. But it is worth knowing whether there was a man in high position in the Government here or in India who had so low a sense of honour and of ri.g,ht that he could offer to this House mutilated, false, forged opi- nions of a public servant who lost his life in the public service. " it is admitted—the noble lord himself has not flatly denied it ; in fact, he knows it perfectly well—as well as the member for Greenock, as well as the man who who did the evil—the noble lord knows that there have been garbling, muti- lation, practically and essentially falsehood, and forgery in these despatches. . . I say, then, avoiding all the long speech of the noble lord, that the object of the committee is to find out who did -this evil thing—who placed upon the table of the House information which was knowingly false, and despatches that were knowingly forged; because if you add to, or detract from, or so change a coin, a note, or a deed as to make it hear a meaning contrary to the original •rneaning, you are guilty of such an act as I have described, and that is precisely what somebody has done with the despatches we are now discussing. I say, then, an odious offence has been committed against this House; and we want to know who. did it. . . . Now, I do not think I am wrong in supposing that this matter lies between the noble lord the Prime Minister and Lord Broughton. The despatches were not garbled by some subordinate who cannot be found-out. My hon. and learned friend told us of the marvellous care which had been taken, so that the guilty person must have been not only a man of ability, but a man of genius. Of course, there are men of genius in very objectionable walks of life—(laughter); but we know that the noble lord is a man of genius, or he would not have been on that bench for the last fitly years—(/a/49liter); and we know also that Lord Broughton is a man of many and varied accomplishments. I ask again,—will the noble lord tell us who-did it? He knows who did it. Was it -his own right hand, or Lord Broughton's right hand which did this work, or was it some clever secretary in Lis or in the ludia-office? The House has a right to know; we wish to know, because we want to drag the criminal before the public; we wish to deter other Ministers from ever committing a like offence."

Colonel Sums defended the Court of Directors. Mr. DISRAELI said. Mr. Dunlop's motion was not merely a motion of want of confidence, or merely a vote of censure, but both combined. Mr. Disraeli thought the policy of the war was erroneous and dangerous, but it -would be of doubtful advantage to discuss it now. The attention of the House- had been called to that policy, and had supported it, and therefore not only the Government but the House was responsible. Having vindi- cated Lord Stanley for making public the papers, he said that what they were asked to discuss was an accusation of crime. But the con- duct called a crime has not been recently discovered.

If the conduct of the noble lord the First .Minister and his colleagues at the time was criminal, they deserved the language which has been applied to them. by the hon. member for Birmingham. I do not went now to discuss the ques- tion whether they deserved that language or not ; but if they deserved it twenty years ago, how came the hon. member for Birmingham to go to Willis's Rooms to meet the two noble lords there, and to express his confidence in the noble lords (cheers), and to say, These are the only men who ought to govern this country?' It was as notorious, too, three or four years ago, that there had been an unexampled castration of these documents, as it was that any event whatever had occurred. (Laughter.) On such conduct charges of crime are now founded. Now, I want to know why, less than two years ago, there was a public meeting held in this city to upset the Queen's Government and to bring

the noble lord into power to govern this country and India, and to regulate all-

the affairs of this great empire. (Cheers.) Let me ask what is the principle on-which you think information is to be given to Parliament? Do you mean to say that all the information in possession of a Minister is to be laid before Parliament? That a Minister is not to have the privilege of omission or suppression? There is not a man who will say that it ought not to be a question of discretion—that it is a question of management, a question of handling. The management in this case may have been indiscreet, but are you prepired to say that it is criminal ? If you are prepared to say so, how then can you justify your sitting on that side cif the House?" (Cheers.) Mr. Disraeli admitted that he niight have been willing to vote for the first two clauses of the motion, but he could not vote for the third. At the end of his speech, however, he said he had no doubt the Ministers had acted conscientiously, if erroneously, -and that he would not sanction an attempt to brand them in this manner and. under these circumstances.

Mr. WALPOLE should Tote for the motion, in order to give the noble lord the fullest opportunity of making an explanation which might satisfy the country.

Lord Join Itossm thought the question -was one which could not be investigated to any useful purpose. The Affghanistan war was entered upon with the conscientious desire to protect the British em- pire in India, andguard her frontiers from invasion. With regard to these documents, it was not thought desirable to place on record opi- nions which must have been accompanied by the -opinion of the Governor-General, that Sir Alexander Burnes was entirely mistaken in his views, and -had acted erroneously, and that his -conduct had not been such as to benefit the British Government in India. If they deprived the Ministers of the'Orown of any discretion-as to the papers to be presented to Parliament, they would then follow the example of the United States of America, and have a committee like the com- mittee of the American Senate, and put aside altogether the authority of the Crown. That was a plan totally inconsistent with our mo- narchical institutions.

-Colonel DICKSON supported the motion.

Mr. lloasmAN complained that the foreign policy of the Govern- ment was carried on too „mach by means of private letters instead of public despatches. He condemned secret diplomacy,

MT. DUNLOP now -wanted to amend his motion by withdrawing the latter clause, and Mr. Bums moved an amendment to that effect. But Mr. DISRAELI, Lord Jon-ri RessElit and Lord PALMERSTON objected to this, much to the annoyance of Mr. BRIGHT, who spoke of the extraordinary conduct of Lord John Russell.'" a candidate for the Premiership:'

'On a division, the amendment was negatived by 158 to 61; and the original motion was rejected by 159 to 49.

DEIOIARK AND Gyfro-Auv The Earl -of ELLENBOROUGH, -in putting a question to Lord Wode- house,drew attention to the differences between Denmark and Germany and showed how seriously they may affect the peace, or rather the armed truce of Europe. Denmark feels that the demands of the German Diet affect her honour and impair her integrity. "What are those demands? There are three points:—tirst, a denial on the part of the Diet that any financial laws passed by the authority of Denmark cap

affect Holstein, without the consent of Holstein; secondly, a demand on Denmark I mare. (Laughter.) The eoble marquis must be aware that a letter was a&- she shall make no common laws affecting the rest of the kingdom and also affecting Holstein, without the consent of Holstein; thirdly, a declaration on the part of the Diet, that unless within six weeks from the passing of the Act passed in February—which period will expire on the 27th of March—the King of Denmark shall declare that he will not pass any law to affect Holstein, without the consent of Holstein, the Diet will proceed to the execution of the measures which, in the event of a refusal, it has announced its intention to adopt. Now, Denmatk, in reply to those demands, declares that it is beyond the province of the Diet to make them. In that view she is supported by the King of the Netherlands, who takes the same ground ; and she may therefore assert that the demand is inconsistent with the integrity of her power, and that it would be impossible to carry on the Government. The impression entertained there evidently is, that this second demand gives to Holstein a veto on the common laws of Denmark, and thereby practically establishes her as an indepen- dent Power, and impairs the action of the Danish Government. While Denmark is resolved not to accede to these demands, I understand she has made certain concessions. She called together the States of Holstein, which met on the 6th of March, and she submitted to them the principles of a new constitution of a most liberad character, comprising many of the best features of our constitution—such as an Upper and Lower Chamber, entire security of person, independence of the judges, and various other points of similarity. If Holstein should accept this proposal it would then be submitted to all the States of Denmark, to whom ties constitution was to apply ; but if Holstein should not accede to it, it was proposed that there should be a Provisional Government for Holstein alone, until that happy period arrived when she could consent to form part of the general State."

Be declined to go into the question of the connexion between Hol- stein and Denmark in the past, or into the motives of the Diet. "'But this I know, that the moving power is not the general body of the States of Germany—the moving power is Prussia. (Hear, hear.) The real question is, whether Prussia, in the name of the Diet, shall detach the territory of .Holstein from Denmark. I will assume that the King of Denmark remains determined to adhere to his opinion, and not to acquiesce in the demands of the Diet. Will the Diet proceed to execute its purpose—that is, will Prussia march an army into Holstein? If so, France will march an army to the Rhine. (Hear, hear.) And more than that, with her great power of transporting troops by sea, she will send an army to the assistance of the Danes; and Prussia, having placed herself in a perfectly false position, they will have the greatest advantages in carrying on war against her. (Efear, hear.) At what a period, if she be so minded, would Prussia engage in this unfortunate contest! Where is she to look for assistance? The armies of Austria are occupied in watching the Italians, in protecting the Quadrilateral, and in repressing the excitement which prevails in Hungary. Austria is unable to move to her support. whatever her distress." Russia cannot help her because the Emperor is emancipating the serfs, and occupied with the troubles in Poland. "Prussia, therefore, cannot look for assistance from Russia. Is this a moment when she ought to think of engaging in a war in which France will take part? A time may come—much as I should regret it—when France may attack Prussia; but let her not provoke hostilities; let her wait till she is attacked, and then let her rally round her the whole of -Germany in defence of right." Lord Ellenborough asked in what position the difficulties which have arisen between Denmark-and Germany now stand ? Lord Woimnorsz, observing -that Lord Ellenborough had not ex- aggerated the importance of the question, and had stated the offers of Denmark to Holstein with great correctness, said the Danish-Govern- ment proposed that the States of Holstein should have the power of voting what was called the nominal budget. The proposal was that there should be a 'fixed sum, which should always he paid by Holstein towards the -common -affairs Of the monarchy; that that sum having been voted once for all, any excess should require the consent-of the States of Holstein. But it seemed that the Danish Government made one reservation. They demandedf that until the year 1862 the 'budget, whidh had been fixedby decree of the King, should -remain in forge. To that the States very strongly objected, and her Majesty's Govern- ment had that -day received intelligence from Copenhagen that the King of Denmark had conceded that point, and hail consented that the whole budget should, to adopt the expression used in the intelli- gence, "be submitted to the :deliberate vote of -the States of Hol- stein." This point was of the more importance because a very ,short time -since her Majesty's Government, acting in concert with the -Go- vernments of France and Russia, recommendedrto Denmark to submit to -the States -of Holstein the budget for the common affairs of the monarchy, in that those 'States should have the power of saying yes or no to a .proposal-so important to their interests. Her Majesty's Government .eould not but hope that the Prussian Government, which, as the noble earl correctly says, is principally concerned, will see in this the means of arriving at a satisfactory termination of this most unfortunate dispute. He admitted that -there are faiths on both sides, but at the present moment Denmark has shown a spirit of conciliation which-ought to induce Germany to come to an arrangement with her, and he was quite certain that those dangers to which the noble Earl had called attention, and which ,embraced questions of far greater scope than that of Denmark and Holstein, ought to weigh strongly with the German Confederation and with Prussia, and ought to lead them, instead of irritating Denmark, a State which, although small in position, is of great importance to -Germany and Europe, to seek means by which she might be converted into a firm mid useful ally to the Confederation. (Cheers.)

Tu IONIAN ISLANDS.

The Marquis of NoustAkrav asked for explanations !respecting the events which have _recently occurred in the Ionian Islands. He took

the opportunity, w advocating advocatg severe measures of repression, to have .a fling at the Italian policy of the Government, by-describing a letter from Signor Dandolo to Lord John Russell, in which the Ionian agitator made -use of the famous despatch of 'October 27, as an un- answerable argumentsm ad.hominem.

The Duke of NEWCASTLE answered by narrating what has happened —the meeting of the Assembly, its unconstitutional conduct, the re- monstrance of Sir Henry Storks, given without effect, and the pro- rogation of the Assembly in consequence.

"As regards any further information tor which the noble lord has asked, there will be no objection to grant it. I will not undertake to say that every document shall be produced, but I should certainly be glad that your lordellips were supplied with those of which the substance is embodied in the abort statement I have just made. The noble marquis was unable, even in putting a question to the Colonial Secretary, to refrain from having his usual fling at the noble lord the Foreign Secretary and the Government—(laughter and cheers); and has 'chosen to trace the events which have occurred in the Ionian Islands to the despatch of my noble friend at the Foreign-office, which seems to haunt the noble marquis like a night-

dressed by Signor Dandolo to Lord Join Russell, in which—however we may be surprised that an -Englishman, and a member of your lordships' House, should endeavour to distort a despatch from the British Government—(cheers) —it was but natural that Signor Dandolo, writing from his point of view, should endeavour to show that under the terms of that despatch the Ionian Islands were entitled to emancipate themselves from the protection of Great Britain and to attach themselves to Greece. But a refutation both of the opinion of Signor Dandolo and of the arguments of the noble marquis is afforded by the fact that Sir 11. Storks, having the power of High Police in those islands, of which he could have availed himself, did not in any way interfere to prevent the circulation of that letter, which was published in Greek, in Italian, and, I believe, in English, and was circulated throughout the whole of the Ionian Islands without producing

any effect whatever' in fact, the inhabitants did not appear to pay any attention to the matter. But there can be no doubt that this agitation is of long standing. (Cheers.) This is, unfortunately, not the first time that a prorogation of the Ionian Parliament has taken place. Last year it was feared that recourse to

such a measure would be necessary ; but instructions were sent out which were repeated this year, to treat with every consideration, but of course with firmness and resolution, any measures that the Assembly might adopt. Acting under these instruction, some advantage was derived from the sittings of the Assembly last year, though not as much as could have been desired, owing to proceedings of a similar kind to those which have recently taken place. And when the noble marquis appeals to me and to my noble friends on the bench behind me, and says he hopes we do not agree .with Lord John Russell in the despatch which lie has written, I say distinctly that the despatch has no relevance whatever to the state of the Ionian Islands; and, unless the noble marquis can prove that the circum- stances of those islands are precisely similar to those of the country with reference to which that despatch was written, his whole case falls to the ground. As re- gards the course which her Majesty's Government—including Lord John Russell, as the noble marquis thinks it right to draw a distinction between ms--are pre- to pursue, I will state that we approve the course which Sir H. Storks has

een compelled to take in this instance—(cheers)—and with regard to the policy of maintaining the protectorate, I tell hum distinctly that we are prepared to uphold it, and that the Government does not shrink from the responsibility which may attend such a course. (Cheers.) And, although I trust the present and any future Government will always make allowance for the feelings of the Ionian people, and will treat them with the utmost forbearance' consideration, and jus- tice, I trust, at the same time, they will not hesitate to perform their duty with firmness and determination. The noble marquis seems to regard this question with somewhat of despair. I venture to assert my belief that the Ionian people will separate themselves from these demagogues and theorists who have misled them so long. Already there are appearances of their doing so. In the accounts received yesterday, notwithstanding the sudden prorogation of the Assembly, the utmost tranquillity prevailed, not alone in the town but in the neighbourhood of Corfu ; and I not only trust, but I will even say I believe, that the inhabitants will feel that Sir H. Storks was justified, under the circumstances, in stopping these mischievous proceedings; and although it is, undoubtedly, a great misfor- tune that legislation should be stopped—for there are many grievances, political, social, and moral, that it would be in the power of the Assembly to obviate, if so disposed—I believe they will,perceive that the Assembly was grievously in error, and that their truest friends are those who endeavour to maintain the protecto- rate of Great Britain." (Cheers.)

Earl Gusty said he entertained no dolibt, from the statement made by the noble duke the Colonial Secretary, that Sir H. Storks had ex- ermsed a wise discretion. But he could not help thinking that the noble duke had scarcely realized in the remarks which he had just delivered the serious nature of the Ionian question. The state -of things in the Ionian Islands was no honour either to this country or to the local governors who had administered their affairs. The with- drawal of pur protection would, -no doubt, be the greatest misfortune which could happen to the people of those islands; but still, he- 'lieving, as he firmly did, that this country had no interest whatever in extending to them the benefit of our protection against their will, that to us the maintenance of that protection was productive only of burden, expense, and, in some respects, of danger, while all the ad- vantages were on the side of the Ionians, he was of opinion that if the hopes which had been expressed by the noble duke were not realized, if the people did not abandon the demagogues by whom they had hitherto been led, and support the authority of the representa- tives of her Majesty, that protection ought .110 longer to be continued. This was a question of grave im_portanee, and could not long escape the serious consideration both of the Government and of Parliament.

In the House of Commons, Mr. llsonuta put questions on the same subject to Mr. CHICHESTER FORTESCITE, and obtained from him substantially similar information.

LORD CANNING.

In reply to a question from Lord LYVEDEN, who wished to know whether any arrangement had been made for-the continuance of Lord Calming in the office of Governor-General of India beyond the usual period of five years, which terminated at the end of February, Earl DE GREY said that arrangement has been made, but that no precise period has been fixaerdilani?hat must of course be determined by the convenience of the public service and by 'Lord 'Canning's own con- venience. It is open to him to desire that some other arrangement should he made ; but for the next few months, and these are likely to he a period of great importance, Lord Canning will continue in the office which he has filled with so much advantage to India.

TILE Bexicaorrer BELL.

The House of -Commons devoted nearly the whole of Monday nght to the consideration of the remaining clauses of the Bankruptcy and finally disposed of them in committee. Few alterations were made, but there was one sweeping excision proposed. Sir HUGH CAIRNS objected strongly to the "dead man's-clauses" which em- powered the creditors of a deceased -debtor to petition the court for a distribution of his estate. The objections were supported -by the "lawyers," but the clauses by Mr. HADFIELD, Mr. BRIGHT, and other .commercial men. Sir Howl Centas made no motion, on the under- standing that the whole question should be discussed at a future time. On clause 207, Mr. CRANFORD moved to leave out "in any case in which a deceased debtor was a trader at the time of his death." The object of the amendment was that the clause should apply to non- :traders as well as to traders. This was carried by 66 to 16. Mr. HARDCASTLE moved the insertion of words giving jurisdiction to the eounty court judges under the clause. The remaining clauses, including. those postponed, were agreed to with few modifications, and the Chairman was ordered to report the hill with amendments.

finally dispose of it. .

A clause was moved by Mr. Meows to enable persons heretofore banks absorbed the business of the old„ the circumstance would no bankrupt, and whose certificates had been refused, to apply to the doubt be traced to the fact that the public regarded the Post-office court for an order of discharge under this Act, which was assented to banks with more favour than the others.

by the ArronwEr-Gzissfun, and agreed to. The bill was then read a second time.

Another clause, moved by Mr. I. Govrcu, providing for the pay-

meat of parochial rates out of the bankrupt's estate, was likewise agreed to. e Wednesday sitting was occupied with a debate on the second A clause was moved by Sir HUGH Csrasts, which provided that in reaclin of the County Rates and Expenditure Bill. the case of a debtor liable upon any bill of exchange or promissory Sir

note in respect of distinct contracts as member of two or more firms tended to give the ratepayers more control over the man otment of carrying on distinct trades, and having distinct estates to be wound the rates. The bill contained one hundred and twenty-three clauses, up in bankruptcy, the circumstance that such firms are composed of of which thirty were important to his purpose. The first clause pro. thesame individuals shall not prevent proof and receipt of dividend vided for the formation of elective boards, to consist of the magistrates in respect of such distinct contracts against the estates respectively and guardians and a certain number of elective members, whose quail.

liableupon such contracts. fication should be a rating of 100/. to the poor. The functions of The clause, with a few verbal amendments, suggested by the AT- this board would be to superintend the whole expenditure of the

TORNEY-GENERAI5 was agreed to. county. The remaining clauses worked out this principle, and pro.

Animportant amendment was made, on the motion of Sir Mina vided for the division of power and of duty between the boards and aims, in the 82nd clause, which prescribed the rules to be observed the magistrates. As regarded the constabulary, all financial powers in the case of a non-trader departing the realm or remaining abroad should be given to the financial boards. Other matters he should with intent to defeat or delay his creditors; the amendment (modified leave under the control of the magistracy. With respect ,to gaols, he by the Attorney-General), providing that before an adjudication in ProPosed to make similar provisions, and as rensrded pauper lunatics bankruptcy can be made against such non-trader debtor he shall be he proposed that with respect to the intental details of the asylums served personally with a copy of the petition for adjudication, unless the magistrates should retain their present powers, with the exception the court shall be satisfied that every reasonable effort had been made of the finances, which he would refer to the finannial boards. One to effect personal service without avail, when substituted service may point he was most anxious to secure was an effective audit, and he had be received under certain conditions. taken means in his bill to secure that object.

The 83rd clause was amended, at the instance of the ATTORNEY- Sir JOHN SHELLEY seconded the motion. Sir M. W. RIDLEY GENERAL, by a proviso that no debtor shall be adjudged bankrupt on moved that the bill be read a second time that day six months. -Fria the ground of having lain in prison fourteen days if he offer sufficient case was that no such bill is required, and that if adopted it would

security for the debt. create a revolution without ensuring commensurate advantages. Mr. Another important alteration made in the bill was the omission, on PACKE seconded the amendment. Mr. W. E. FORSTER supported, the motion of Mr. MsTssis, of the 101st clause, which provided that a and Mr. PHILLIPS debt contracted anterior to the Act should not support a petition for Sir GEORGE LEWIS said that it was desirable, in the management of

an adjudication of bankruptcy in the essc of a non-trader. local affairs, to combine, where practicable., representation with tax

Sir HUGH CAIRNS moved the omission of all the clauses-207 to ation, and on that ground he intended to give his vote for the second 218—as to the distribution of the estates of deceased debtors, called reading of the bill, but reserving to himself the right of objecting to " the dead men's clauses." He argued that this portion of the bill details when in committee. lnether the principle of representation was contrary to the principle of the law of bankruptcy, which pro- should be 'exclusively or partially applied was a problem yet to be °ceded upon an act done by a party during his life; whereas the pro- solved, and, judging: from the experience of the Metropolitan Board ceeding under this bill would not be in consequence of any act done of Works, it was still doubtful whether the system of mdirect repre- by the deceased debtor. He suggested inconveniences that would arise sentation was not open to much criticism. There were, he thought, from this innovation, which would affix a stigma on the deceased, and two grounds upon which legislation might be required ; the one was which, he contended, would cause increased expense by occasioning proved and admitted mismanagement—the other, general discontent. applications to administer estates in the Court of Chancery. with the existing system. As to the first point, the management was

The Arroartsv-Gratzasf, said that the clauses had been recom at present vested in a body of gentlemen who were ratepayers, and mended by one of the most illustrious lawyers in the kingdom, now a possessed a strong pecuniary interest in an economical administration; member of the Upper House. They were introduced with the almost and it could not be said that there was any general or systematic unanimous consent of the great body of mercantile men. He had mismanagement. ID the rural districts the machinery worked smoothly given a promise, in deference to their representations, to introduce the and efficiently, but in many non-municipal towns, and in some of the clauses into the Bill, and that promise he had fulfilled. But if his populous counties, and in the county of Middlesex especially, great advice were taken, his hon. friends who approved these clauses would leaiousy and dissatisfaction prevailed with regard to the power of the do well to agree that a limitation in point of amount should be set magistrates. To that extent, therefore, he was willing to admit there unon the operation of the clauses, which would then work very use. was discontent with the working of the system, but he did not think fully and economically. Hon. members would do well to remember that there was any pressing necessity to induce him to take the bill how limited would be the utility of these clauses if they were left in opt of the hands of Sir John Trelawny, and promise to bring in a bill unchecked operation. One of the great advantages of the Court of on the subject either in this or the next session. Chancery was that after the decease of a debtor, if the executors had Colonel Wasow PATTEN seemed to think the Government should reason to believe that the estate was about to be torn to pieces by help Sir John Trelawny to iaroduce a measure that would work. Mr. actions for debt, they could come into court to save expense, and get BARROW spoke for the bill. Mr. OSBORNE said it was a tenant- an order for the equal administration of the estate. Accordingly, the farmer's question—they would now know their friends. He also cen- Court of Chancery restrained the creditors from bringing these actions, sured the Home Secretary. He had, last Wednesday, patted Mr. but the County Court had not that power. At the same time he could Locke King on the back and kicked him at the same time. Now he not agree that clauses of this kind had no place properly in the Bill, inveigled Sir John Trelawny into a corner and smothered him. Mr. because the clauses were distinctly limited to cases where the estates Dzenzs and Sir him PAKINGTON did not think the measure practical. were shown to be insolvent. It would be seen that by the 211th The latter also fell upon Sir George Lewis for speaking against and clause, any attempt to carry an estate into a local court would prove voting for the bill. Mr. HENLEY also opposed it as a bill that would abortive if the executors came forward and showed good reason for not work.—On a division the amendment was carried by 163 to 125, believing the estate of the debtor would be of sufficient value to pay and the bill is consequently lost. the debts in full. Consequently the clause would only apply to in- LUNACY.—The Lunacy Regulation Bill was read a second time on solvent estates. Nevertheless he would earnestly request his friends the motion of the Lord CHANCELLOR. By this Bill it is proposed, if around him to accede to the proposition which he was now about to it were made out to the satisfaction of the Lord Chancellor that these make,—namely, that the operation of the clause should be limited to persons who had incomes under a fixed sum were lunatic, and if after cases where the assets of the deceased debtor did not exceed 5001., and notice they made no objection, the Lord Chancellor should have the were insufficient for the payment of his debts. At the same time, if power to dispose of the property as if a commission had issued and his suggestion should not be assented to, he would abide by the pledge they had been regularly found insane. It is proposed by the Bill to

he had given to introduce these clauses, give the Lord Chancellor a discretion to grant or refuse a second A division took place upon the first of the clauses (207), which was inquiry, after having seen the lunatic and taken the best means in his nmatived by 135 to 119. power to come to a right conclusion. It is also proposed to give The remaining 11 clauses were then successively negatived, power to grant retiring allowances to the visitors to the extent of two-

An attempt was made by. Sir HUGH CAIRNS to repair the loss of thirds of their salary. Two of the present visitors had been in office the 101st clause by introducing a definition of the term "debtor" in about thirty years. He believed they had done their best to discharge the interpretation clause, which was defeated upon a division by 150 the duties imposed on them; but they were now of a very advanced to 125. . age, and physically unfitted to continue in office. The only other pre- On the motion of the ATTORNEY-GENERAL, the Bill was recom- visions of the Bill were one for declaring that Masters in Lunacy flitted, when further amendments were made and ordered to be reported, should not be able to sit in the House of Commons, about which a

THE POST-OFFICE SAVINGS BANKS. doubt had been raised a short time ago ; and another to make the On the motion for the second reading of the Post-office Savings Bank Registrar in Lunacy a permanent officer. Bill, Mr. Scrrgenost-EnconaT, while admitting that the bill had many UA.LLFICA.TION FOR OFFICES.—When Lord Talmo/4 moved the popular features, expressed his apprehension that the proposed banks second reading of this bill on Tuesday, Lord CHELMSFORD objected would, in course of time, by the process of exhaustion, draw off the because it repealed the securities contained in the bill repealing the whole of the deposits now in the hands of the present sayings banks. Text and Corporation Act against the attacks of dissenters upon the He confessed he was extremely favourable to the existing institutions, Church of England; and because Mr. Morley and Mr. .Miall desire to as he regarded the intervention of local trustees and managers as most separate Church from State. To be forewarned is to be forearmed, beneficial, while at the same time he did not wish to deprive the and this "trifling outwork" must be defended. He moved the bill labouring classes of the benefit of a safe and easy mode of investing should be read a second time that day six months. Earl de GREY and their saymgs. He suggested, as a middle course, that the Government Roos' showed up the peculiarities of this mode of reasoning. The should limit the amount to be deposited in the Post-office banks to abolition of a declaration which many persons never make, and which 30s. from each depositor, and that the new banks should, in fact, be requires an annual bill of indemnity to cover omissions, could not

auxiliary to the ordinary savings banks of the country. affect the stability of the Church of England. The House, on a divi- The bill was supported by Mr. W. E. FORSTER, Mr. Hammy, and sion, rejected the bill by 49 to 38. Mr. Baum, Mr. GunsToNx said that the bill would be extended to IlicomE Tex.—Mr. Cutarroan called the attention of the House to On Thursday the House took up the report on the bill, but did not Ireland, and that it would in no way interfere with the old savings banks. If, however, in practice, it should be found that the new A clause was moved by Mr. Meows to enable persons heretofore banks absorbed the business of the old„ the circumstance would no bankrupt, and whose certificates had been refused, to apply to the doubt be traced to the fact that the public regarded the Post-office court for an order of discharge under this Act, which was assented to banks with more favour than the others.

COUNTY BOARDS.

Th agreed to. e Wednesday sitting was occupied with a debate on the second g was in- JOHN TRELAWNY, in making the motion, said the bill

TORNEY-GENERAI5 was agreed to. county. The remaining clauses worked out this principle, and pro.

security for the debt. create a revolution without ensuring commensurate advantages. Mr. Another important alteration made in the bill was the omission, on PACKE seconded the amendment. Mr. W. E. FORSTER supported, opposed the bill. debt contracted anterior to the Act should not support a petition for Sir GEORGE LEWIS said that it was desirable, in the management of

an adjudication of bankruptcy in the essc of a non-trader. local affairs, to combine, where practicable., representation with tax

The remaining 11 clauses were then successively negatived, power to grant retiring allowances to the visitors to the extent of two- THE POST-OFFICE SAVINGS BANKS. doubt had been raised a short time ago ; and another to make the On the motion for the second reading of the Post-office Savings Bank Registrar in Lunacy a permanent officer. the levy of income tax upon incomes and profits arising in India, which were already subject to an income tax in that country, and moved that the petitions from merchants and others of London and other parts of the 'United Kingdom against the levy of an income tax upon incomes and profits arising in India which were already subject to an income tax in that country, presented on the 7th day of March last, should be referred to the Select Committee en Income and Property Tax. The petitioners included the holders of public securities m India, anmutants, and persons engaged in industrial and commercial pursuits. The position of the fundholder was very much prejudiced by the imposition of this direct tax, and the industry of India was so greatly affected by it that we should look in vain for any extension of the operations of planting in that country while the tax remained upon its present footing. India had been placed wider the direct supreme control of this country by the Act of 1833, and therefore she could not be regarded in the same light as our other colonies, or as a foreign country.

Sir M. Fenquiren very cordially seconded the motion. Mr. GLADSTONE did not object to the motion, but Sir STAFFORD NORTHOOTE and Mr. DISRAELI both urged that the. petitions should not be referred to the committee, since they would increase and com- plicate the4 labours. Mr. BRIGHT took the same view, and Mr. "CRAWFORD withdrew his motion. FLOGGING IN THE ARHY.—In committee on the Mutiny Bill, Mr. Want moved the omission of clause 22, which gives courts-martial the power of inflicting corporal punishment. His allegation was that corporal punishment does not reform offenders, but degrades and hardens them, and dis_gusts the public. Mr. WILLIAMS seconded, and Mr. LocKE and Mr. LAYARD supported the motion for the omission of the clause. Mr. BARDTG explained the rules and regulations on the subject of flogging, showing that no man need incur the punishment unless he were a confirmed bad character. The admitted increase of flogging of late-years arose from the enlistment of a lower description of recruits under pressure for men. The motion was negatived by 142 to 37.

METROPOLITAN CENTRAL oTEL.—This is a bill to enable a com- pany to build an hotel on the site of Wych-street and Holywell-street. It was put forward as a measure intended to effect a great public im- provement. But the second reading was opposed on the ground that the scheme was a private speculation, and that it was objectionable to give private speculators compulsory powers to take property, and the motion was negatived by 33 to 25.

Spotted a problem with this article?

Page 5

Page 6

Page 7

Page 8

Page 9

Vrliatts Ruh Vrnathings litVarlifuntrt.