IRELAND.

Mr. Sharman Crawford's third letter on local legislation for Ireland has appeared. Mr. Crawford declares his object to be, to secure for Ireland, "first, protection for her rights ; and secondly, the manage- ment of her own resources," but without danger to the integrity of the empire. " As it is always prudent to adopt a precedent in existence when not inconsistent with the purposes sought," he takes for his basis the Imperial Act for the constitution of Canada ; regarding a Legislature for Ireland, composed of two Houses, Lords and Commons, as analo- gous to the Legislative Council and House of Assembly of the colony. His plan is this-

" LAWS.

" lst. That this Parliament shall be competent (with the Royal assent) to make all laws necessary for Ireland, and t impose and apply all necessary taxes, subject to the limitations and regulations hereinafter stated. "2d. That all bills which may be passed by the Local Parliament. which make any provisions with regard to religion or religious worship, or pecuniary grants or payments for the purposes of religion, or any bills which relate to —, shall be subjected to the regulations contained in the 42d section of the Canada Act,—viz. that before the Royal assent be given to any such bills, they shall lie for thirty days on the tables of the Houses of the Imperial Par- liament; and in case the said Houses shall address the Sovereign to withhold the Royal assent, such assent shall not be given. (Note—Upon the subject of this exception with regard to religion, I may remark, that before any new po- litical constitution can be established, I conceive that some equitable settlement with regard to the Irish Church and its revenues must be effected : such being made, it is only a reasonable concession to the apprehension of many persons well affected to local legislation, to provide that such settlement shall not be disturbed by any act of the Local Legislature without the approval of the Im- perial Parliament ; and I would further add, by any act of the Imperial Par- liament without the approval of the Local Parliament. It would be a matter for consideration whether any bills, regarding any other laws than those re- lating to religion, should be made subject to the same rules.)

"3d. That all acts of the Imperial Legislature which regard the succession to the Throne, or the appointment of a Regent, (if such should be necessary,) shall be binding on Ireland without being referred to the Local Legislature.

" TAXATION.

"4th. That the Local Parliament shall have power to impose and apply, with the assent of the Crown, all taxation necessary for the purposes of Ireland, subject to the regulations and limitations hereinafter stated.

" 5th. That the Imperial Parliament shall retain a power similar to that provided by the 43d section of the Canada Act, to impose all duties necessary for the purposes of commerce over the United Kingdom. "6th. That the net produce of all duties so imposed shall—in conformity with the proviso contained in the 43d section of the Canada Act—be paid into the Irish Exchequer, and placed at the disposal of the Local Parliament, in the same manner as all taxes imposed by the local authority. " 7th. That if any bill be passed by the Local Parliament, proposing to alter or repeal, with regard to Ireland, any duty which had been so imposed by the Imperial Parliament, or to impose any new duty on any article of foreign or colonial produce imported into Ireland, such bill shall be subjected, previous to the Royal assent being declared, to the same regulations as provided under the second head with regard to certain laws to be submitted to the consideration of the Imperial Parliament. "8th. That it be a fundamental law that no duties shall be imposed by either Parliament which would impede the perfect freedom of trade between Great Britain and Ireland.

" CONTRIBUTION TO GENERAL EXPENDITURE.

"9th. That Ireland shall pay a certain quota to the military and naval este- tdishments, and other expenses of the empire; that this quota shall be a sum fixed for a certain number of years, not to he increased under any circum- stances during the time specified, except by a free grant of the Parliament of Ireland; that at the termination of the period specified a new arrangement of the quota may be made, if both Parliaments consent. " 10th. That Ireland shall pay the expenses of all her civil establishments and institutions out of her own revenue.

"GENERAL PROVISIONS.

" 11th. That no law made nor tax imposed by the Local Parliament of Ire- land shall have operation beyond the limits of Ireland; and that all Foreign and Colonial legislation, of every description, shall remain under the control and authority of the Imperial Parliament.

" 12th. That no law or act of the Imperial Parliament made after the passing of this act, and operating locally in Ireland, shall be binding on Ireland unless assented to by her Local Parliament—with the exception of those matters reserved in proposition No. 3, and the power of imposing duties reserved in No. 5.

" 13th. That all laws and statutes now in force shall be binding on Ireland till altered or repealed, according to the power given by this act." Mr. Crawford proceeds to contend that this plan would attain the objects premised. He thus accounts for one proposition and for an omission- " I have proposed by No. 9 that the contribution of Ireland to the Imperial funds should be a fixed quota, not a variable sum regulated by a certain pro- portion to the current expenditure, as was provided by the Act of Union. Such a principle of contribution was fatal, and must always prove fatal to the re- sources of a poor country in combination with a rich one. I think it cannot he denied that Ireland was kept down, I may say for centuries, by the course of treatment which England adopted. Ireland is therefore entitled to some in- dulgence—some sparing—to retrieve her shattered strength. " I have also abstained from any provision with regard to the Public Debt, because I think that, for the same reason, any previous liability of Ireland for

the National Debt ought to be cancelled : England is bound to make some compensation for previous misgovernment. But if it be insisted on that Ire- land should be liable, the amount would be a matter for future consideration."

He is aware that these propositions will not satisfy those who claim for Ireland a separate national existence, and that his plan will be said

to place her rather in the position of a colony than of a nation ; but he cannot help that; for he can conceive "no means of separate national existence except by a separation of the Crown RS well as of Ireland."

In a fourth and concluding letter, Mr. Crawford develops his plan for a Federal representation in the Imperial Parliament; the necessity for which be thus arrives at-

" If a Local Legislature be conceded to Ireland, it must either be one of abso- lutely independent power, such as the constitution of 1782 professed to confer

upon Ireland, or else one with powers of the nature I have described, being sub- ject in certain matters of an imperial character to the control of an Imperial Par- liament. If this control be permitted, it is right and just that representation

should accompany it. Any species of authority exercised by a Parliament in which there was no representation of the country subjected to its control, is contrary to the true principles of the British constitution, and would naturally lead to jealousy and distrust in the exercise of the power conferred. * • * The want of this has been a main cause of disagreements which have occurred between Great Britain and her Colonies."

If England and Scotland would join in the adoption of a true Fe- derative system, each having a Local Parliament for local purposes,

that would be the best form of national and imperial government : but

of that he sees no prospect. England holds in her hands all local as well as imperial legislation. Scotland seems satisfied with her pittance

of representation—about one-eleventh of the whole; for "Scotchmen have hitherto been permitted to do the local legislation of Scotland in the Imperial Parliament ; so Scotland acquiesces, bears her thraldom, and is silent,"—though Scotland, in the division on the Church of Scot-

land Benefices Bill, on the 31st of July 1843, "has lately had one hint that England was her master, and would not always refrain from the assertion of her power." Nevertheless, though Scotland makes no move, Ireland is not bound to submit to the evils she suffers. This is Mr. Crawford's plan- " Ireland, I propose, should contribute a quota to the expenditure of the empire ; therefore her Representatives would have a right to vote on imperial concerns, but no right in the local concerns of England and Scotland. By local concerns, I mean all laws which are passed for England and Scotland alone, whether they be public or private acts; all other acts and proceedings I would call imperial. Let the business of the House, then, be divided into Im- perial and Local sittings, in the same way as particular arrangements are now made with regard to particular classes of business. The Irish Members would

have the right to vote at Imperial sittings ; the Local sittings would be limited to English and Scotch Members; the resolving of the House into an Imperial or Local sitting would be the certain indication to Irish Members of their right to vote or not on the questions to be discussed. The mode in which,

I would propose that the Imperial Representation of Ireland should be formed would be by the election of a certain number of Members from each of the Houses of the Irish Parliament as the representatives of their respective Houses in the Imperial Parliament. The Members might be selected annually or otherwise as might be determined on."

Mr. Crawford considers that he has now shown the project not to be, as some call it, "impracticable." He calls upon the "simple Repeaters" for an equally explicit declaration of their ulterior views-

" I do not understand what is intended by the use of the term 'simple Re- peal.' A simple Repeal of the Act of Union would not be a constitution, but

a chaos. Whatever act repeals the Union must contain the terms of a new

connexion. It is time those terms were unequivocally declared by the advo- cates of Repeal. If these observations should tend to produce a full discussion of the principles on which local legislation could be attained for Ireland, my end will be answered. It is better that the question should be brought for- ward in a distinct shape than that the public mind should be spending itself in vague, undefined generalities. If my views are wrong, the discussion of them may, perhaps, bring forth better projects. No movement to effect any object by moral power (which is the only power I would consent to use) can be suc-

cessful unless it receives the support of a preponderating proportion of the pro-

perty and intelligence of the country, combined with the masses of the people. If these powers cannot be brought to bear on some principle of local legisla- tion, the present agitation of the question is only wasting the energies ot the country in an unprofitable exertion, and withholding it from other objects of practical importance. I do not wish to be a party to soy delusive course of proceeding on this or any other occasion."

At the usual meeting of the Repeal Association, on Monday, Mr. Maurice O'Connell paid some compliments to the London Repealers, who had last year sent 1,900/. to the Association ; but he regretted to say, that latterly a spirit of insubordination had nainifeitettittlelf; aged, in consequence of ill conduct, he moved that the auto if a Dirt

Humphrey be struck off the list of the Repeal Wardens. This was done. The principal business, however, was reading the following letter from the Liberator- Hillgrove. 16th November 1849.

"My dear Ray—I have just received the Evening Freeman of the lath, containing Mr. Sharman Cmwford's third letter. I, of course, submit it to the consideration of the Association' but I cannot allow one post to elapse without expressing my deep regret that it does not, in my humble judgment, contain one single principle or matter of detail which ought or could be adopted by the Irish people in their noble struggles for the restoration of Irish na- tionality.

"I may he greatly mistaken, but, as far as I can form a hasty opinion, Mr. Crawford's plan seems to me to be an elaborate scheme to make matters worse than they are at present, and to reduce Ireland from a nominal equality with England to a real and vexatious provincial degradation.

"But there is one thing certain, and that is, that Mr. Crawford should be treated with the utmost courtesy and respect. Nothing personal, nothing offensive should he said to him or of him : his plan should be discussed in language of perfect politeness and unmixed civility ; he should be argued with—reasons should be given for the condemnation of his scheme of legisla- tion; no cry should be raised ; no nickname—as 'Federalist '—should be given; that name itself should be treated with becoming regard; and if the Association agree with me in the rejection of his Federalism, let us do it in a /node which can inflict no pain, or create irritation : above all, let us do no- thing which could discourage others from following the manly example he has given of laying his plan boldly and in detail before the Irish public.

" I now beg leave to give notice, that I will, on Monday the 25th, move the appointment of a Select Committee to examine and report upon Mr. Craw- ford's project of Federalism, together with such observations in reply as may appear requisite or suitable.

" If it be observed that Mr. Crawford has, as usual with him, gone out of his way to make an attack upon me, I heartily forgive him. I bear his blow cheer- fully. I will not quarrel on my own account with any person or paper until a real Irish Parliament is assembled in College Green. At .ne who pleases. I will apply all my attention to the sacred cause of Irish liberty—none to the in- dividual.

" It is a noble cause that in which we are engaged—the restoration of legis- lative independence, the production of prosperity, in our beloved fatherland. "Hurrah, then, for Repeal !

"Believe me to be yours faithfully. DANIEL O'CONNELL." The rent for the week was 3371.

Mr. O'Connell entered Tralee on Monday, in his progress towards Limerick ; where he was to be feasted on Wednesday. He was met by an enormous concourse of people, and escorted into the town in proces- sion, with bands and banners. He addressed a perfect " monster meet- ing," estimated at 60,000 persons, from the window of a house; but his speech is destitute of interest.

The collection of the O'Connell Tribute, on Sunday last, appears to have been extraordinarily successful. The Pilot boasts that in the " ar- rondissement" of Dublin alone three or four thousand pounds had been collected.

Mr. Luke Joseph Shea, who joined the Repeal Association in July last, has just been removed by Lord Chancellor Sugden from the Cork commission of the peace.

More last words in the case of "the Queen versus O'Connell and Others "1 In the Dublin Court of Queen's Bench, on Friday, Sir Col- man O'Loghlen moved, on the part of the defendants, that the judgment of reversal in the case be entered upon the record. The Clerk of the Crown said that the formal documents had not been laid before him ; but Mr. Justice Crampton, the sitting Judge, treated the application as one of course, and intimated that the recognizances should be vacated as soon as the proper documents had been laid before the officer of the Court.

The Marquis of Londonderry gave a dinner at Newtownards As- sembly Rooms, on the 11th instant, to a number of his Irish tenantry, and to several of the gentry and religious ministers of the district ; the entertainment being not only in place of an annual farming dinner, at which the Marquis usually meets his tenants, but also the occasion of Introducing Lord Castlereagh after his absence on travels in the East. More than two hundred persons sat down to table. The party was dis- tinguished by the excellent spirit that prevailed. Lord Londonderry and Lord Castlereagh professed the most friendly feelings towards the tenantry, whose moral independence they recognized in liberal terms : they set the example of the fullest tolerance of creed, for the guests at the table seem to have represented all the shades of religious opinion which so variously abound in Ulster. The press was represented among the guests by Mr. F. D. Findlay, the proprietor and editor of the Belfast Northern Whig ; whose ability and independence were warmly com- plimented by Lord Castlereagh. Lord Londonderry, in proposing "the tenantry of the Newtownards estate ; prosperity to them and may God bless them," made a very discursive speech, distinguished by naiveté, blended with common sense, undoubting self-confidence, and honest in- tention. He complimented his son Lord Castlereagh, his abilities and moral qualities, with an ingenuous paternal warmth far from displeasing ; making allusion to the young Lord's fitness for office, should he ever be called thereto. He vaticinated on the Corn -laws— And he did solemnly adjure them not to depart from those means to improve their agricultural position which science had opened up to them, lest the question which he had alluded to should be carried. Ile did not understand how any Minister who thought right to introduce into his policy free trade at all—he did not know how that Minister could make corn an exception. Ile

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implored them to consider that that might not be the case ; and, n order to prepare fur such a change, he implored them to go on cultivating the soil on which their existence depended. They had seen, during the last twenty years, many changes ; they had seen the Minister, by the force of circumstances, by the pressure from aitlout, oblged to follow out a course of policy which was contrary to his mind to pursue ; and having seen that, he could not sit down without impressing them with the fact that similar things might take place with regard to the Corn-laws. He wished them to bear in mind, that, when everything else was free, they could not expect that corn alone would be an exception. He had a right to warn them, as he was doing, that those exertions Which had already been approved of should not be relaxed, but that they should the rather increase them, in order to be prepared for any event that might occur.

He alluded to the Queen's voyages hither and thither, and wished that she bad visited Ireland— He would sasieitfiough it was altogether unnecessary, that between Mr. O'Connell and itlf there was no sympathy of feeling—that they did not

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entertain the same political views : but he would do Mr. O'Connell the justice to say, that he believed, had her Majesty come to Ireland, the breath of Repeal would not have been heard, from the Heights of Enuishowen to the Lakes of Killarney—no, not a word of Repeal would have been heard during her Ma- jesty's stay in her own little island. If she had come there to sec her

" First flower of the earth,

First gem of the sea," not one breath of Repeal would have been heard.

Thence he jumped to Repeal itself— Mr. O'Connell bad long been engaged in the agitation of the question of Repeal; but he had told them, on a late occasion, that he preferred Federalism. Now, what was his object in stating so ? Why, he was simply holding out a feeler to the Protestants, to see whether they would join him or not. The Protestants and Presbyterians of Ulster knew him too ell : they were aware what his objects were, and their answer to him would be " Time° Danao, et dona ferentes," He did not believe that the intelligent, influential, and commercial people of Ireland, would ever join Mr. O'Connell in so balderdash an experiment. (Cheers, and cries of " Never! ") He avowed his conversion to a favourable opinion of the Poor-law ; the introduction of which into Ireland he had opposed— They had, in their own little district, formed houses of industry, which emancipated them from the trouble of beggars following them through the town, and from what he remembered to be the fact in his younger days, when the beggars came not only to the pleasure-grounds but up to the very windows of his house, and when his mother had to go out with a bag of money, of six- pences and shillings, to relieve the poor. Those houses of industry had got the better of such a state of things: but he vras conic to the belief, that their work- houses, though they might throw a greater onus on the people—though he might be called upon to pay more—yet be was so satisfied of the good that they did, and he so cordially approved of the system and the merit of the Guardians, that he hoped that any little disputes that might occur would not prevent the full carrying out of the measure itself. There could, however, be no doubt as to the success of the Poor-law measure in that district.

This Lord Londonderry attributed to the judicious exertions of the Newtownards Board of Guardians, and to his " excellent agent," Mr. Andrews. He read a letter from Mr. Gulson, the Poor-law Commis- sioner; who said, that had all landlords in Ireland managed their estates as well, the compulsory system of Poor-law would not have been intro- duced; but that that management, and especially in respect to the sup- pression of mendicancy, had to a considerable degree prepared the way for the successful operation of the new Poor-law in that neighbour- hood— " I have this year," said Mr. Gulson' "been upon a tour of (official) inspec- tion ; and I have visited the whole of the South and West, and most of the Midland Counties, in Irelind : but I have seen nothing like the comfort, the independence, or the affluence, or of the good management, which is apparent in the districts around the town of Newtownards anti Comber, which are pat- terns of cleanliness and good order, of which your Lordship lass every reason to be proud."

Lord Londonderry avowed his belief that the Landlord and Tenant Commission would be of no use. The nobleman at its bead has suc- ceeded to estates in Ireland, but knows nothing of the country ; and the Commission was nothing more than throwing out an invitation for dis- content and dissatisfaction that might arise between landlord and tenant : he considered the tenant-right, by which the tenant held his farm, the same as that by which he (Lord Londonderry) held possession of his house ; and he felti that no commission of inquiry had any right to in- terfere. Lord Londonderry also avowed his conviction, that in Ireland, where the tenant makes improvements and erects buildings, he is entitled to a lease; and he should have no objection to give leases on a fair valuation. He was altogether against low rents, as a loss to the land- lord and an injury to the tenant. His agent would go round with some one tenant, such a one as his class would have fair confidence in, and would put a fair value upon every field.

Lord Castlereagh quite responded to his father's sentiments. He preached "the fewer feuds and the less sectarianism the better "—he wished to see full toleration, every individual preserving the right of maintaining his own opinions.

In returning thanks for " the ministers of the different congregations who have done us the honour to be present at this entertainment," the Reverend Julius M'Cullough differed from Lord Londonderry, in thinking that the Landlord and Tenant Commission would be produc- tive of good ; but declared that Lord Londonderry " had been a father to his people." The last toast given by the Peer was "Our next merry meeting."

The Freeman gives a list of the Roman Catholic Archbishops and Bishops of Ireland, with their opinions on the Charitable Bequests Act, as declared in the recent Synod. Fifteen declared their opposition to the Act, eight were in its favour, and four declared no opinion neither way. Of the opponents, three were absent; and of the neutrals, one.