forrign nut &limn'.

cf TEUTE.—Paris is in the thick of an election contest. The Opposi- tion candidates, all lawyers, have taken the oath of fidelity. The Emperor has directed that a large slice of the garden of the Tuile- ries shall be railed off for the use of himself and the Empress. It is supposed that this innovation will tell powerfully against the Govern- ment candidates in the elections.

Some of the French papers have spoken out violently respecting the acquittal of Bernard. The furious language of the Univers passes as a matter of course. But more attention is devoted to the following para- graph in the Constitutionnel because it is signed by M. Renee, the son- in-law of M. Mocquard, private secretary to the Emperor. M. Renee says— The acquittal of Bernard has excited deep indignation in France, and the lively expressions of feeling of the Univers on the subject have been understood by everybody. Nevertheless, we must remark, in strict justice, that this is not the moment to attack the limes, as the Univers has done, since that journal supported with energy the Conspiracy Bill, denounced the assassins, and vindicated England's honour. We will not dwell at any length on such au acquittal, which throws an unheard-of scandal on public morality ; for what honest man in France or England could entertain a doubt of Bernard's guilt ? We will merely inform those of our neighbours who desire the maintenance of good relations between the two countries that if by misfortune, the address pronounced by Bernard's counsel—that address which was allowed to teem with calumny and insults against the Emperor, against the nation which elected him, against the army, and against our institutions—were circulated in the towns, barracks, and rural districts of France, it would be difficult for Government, with the best intentions, to stay the consequences of public indignation." [Subsequently to the publication of this article, M. Renee has -been dismissed from his post.] The Tatrie also freely indulged itself on the same subject, but the next day the journalist apologized his strong! expressions were not levelled at

the " enlightened people of England;" but at the demagogic faction which violates the right of asylum. The Moniteur reported the trial, but nothing more. It is impossible," wrote the correspondent of the Daily Hews on Sunday, " to describe the stupefaction in Government circles occasioned by the verdict of the jury in Bernard's case."

Silt Ill.—The long-expected debate on the Conspiracy Bill in the Piedmontese Chamber of Deputies began on the 13th April. It has been highly interesting and protracted. Count Solaro della Margherita, a re- actionist, was the first to open fire. He did not impugn the bill the pressure of France is just; but he blamed the fatal policy of the Ministry, and he opposed the measure because offenders were to be sent before juries instead of tribunals. Signor Bozzio said that Count Solaro, as a Conservative, should have accepted a law which restricts the jury-list, as _so much gained. He made an incidental attack on England. " The sole support," he said, " of Piedmont and of the Italian cause is to be sought in the French Government. We have but too plainly seen the bearing of England, and what sort of dependence we can place on her." Count Mamiami replied to Count Solaro, and taunted him with the European insignificance of Piedmont under his rule, when he sent muskets to Spain to support the Carlists. The proposed law approves itself to the conscience of all good men. Signor Farini convicted Count Solaro of advocating assassination in a published work. He supported the bill. As to England, there public opinion is the court of final Weal. 'In Great Britain public opinion has made immense progress in favour of the cause of nationalities, and especially of that of Italy ; and I have faith that the statesmen of England will look more to the German nation than to Austria alone, and will seek in the west powers which require only to be settled to contribute to the peace of Europe. Signor Brofferio made a declamatory speech against the bill. He praised the Government for its conduct in the Cagliari case, and in the case of Mr. Hodge. "But what has France done with respect to the Cagliari? And England has backed out under cover of a diplomatic juggle ; and they have left us alone, as if we were to be frightened at our noble solitude. We ought to seek our allies in Italy. We have faith in the palladium of liberty, and we shall be strong ; we are strong, and we shall be free ; we shall be Italians." Signor Ratazzi supported the bill. He denied that it had been brought forward under pressure. Count Revel, while giving a general support to the bill, assailed the policy of Count Cavour, especially his conduct at the Paris Congress ; alleging that by discrediting Italian Sovereigns he had provoked their subjects to dissatisfaction. He also made a sharp attack upon " deputies not born natives of these states," who presumed to vi- tuperate the acts of past governments. Signor Farini, on behalf of him- self and Count Mamiami, delivered a short and dignified vindication of their position, which won the sympathy of the Chamber.

Count Cavour spoke on the third day of the debate. His speech oc- cupied two hours and a half in the delivery. After rebuking Count Re- vel for his personalities, he entered into a lengthened vindication of his foreign policy to explain the political motives that led him to introduce the bill.

After the battle of Novara the Government might have confined their attention to their own affairs, or have adapted themselves to the accom- plished facts and kept alive the faith inspired by Charles Albert. His son Victor Emmanuel took the latter course. " And to put it in execution, a few days after he came to the throne, he called to preside over his councils an illustrious Italian whose very name amounted to a liberal and Italian pro- gramme, Massimo d'Izeglio. That Minister put in application the second system I have alluded to, of which the following were the principal objects. In the first place, to prove to Europe that the Italian peoples were capable of free government, and that it was possible to reconcile a system of liberty, loyally but largely practised, with a due respect for those great principles of social order which were then threatened in other parts of Europe. This being done, he was, in the second place, to seek the means of contending in the field of diplomacy on behalf of the interests of the other parts of Italy. I say, then, that the D'Azeglio Ministry did pursue, prudently but with re- solution, this twofold object." Succeeding Ministers only applied that policy more extensively and with greater vigour. It had already borne Is when the war in the East enabled them to give it a still larger appli- cation. " The treaty of alliance was to a certain extent an application of this system ; since though it is quite true that Piedmont took part in the war because she considered it a just war—a war for the European balance of power, and, if you please, in some degree a war of civilization, I can as- sure you that we also took part in it with the view to increase the reputation of Sardinia, and to earn a new right and title to be enabled to contend in the European congresses for the cause of Italy." These were really immense moral results. But Signor Brofferio said he did not care for an alliance with any Government whose principles were not those of Piedmont ; with regard to the French alliance, he thought they had better wait. Signor Brofferio perhaps believed that a Republic would supersede the Empire ? But Piedmont could expect nothing from a Republic. Republics have al- ways followed a selfish policy. The first French Republic expelled the Austrians from Italy, but it bartered the Venetianprovinces for its conquests on the Rhine. The second Republic denied Piedmont " all aid, not only of men or money—not only of arms, but even the as- sistance of a General, which we were so mistaken as to ask. When afterwards a partial change having taken place in the form of the government of France, it was approximated somewhat to a Monarchical Government, when the Sardinian Ministry resolved again upon war, and applied for aid to the chief of that Government, do you know whaehap- pened ? I will tell you—and I know not whether I commit an indiscretion in doing so, but I think an historical fact which occurred nine years ago may well be known to all. The chief of that Government had resolved to listen to the invitation addressed to him by King Charles Albert, and to lend him efficacious material aid to wage war with Austria ; and do you know who prevented him ? The chiefs of the National Assembly prevented him—the Ministers prevented him, amongst whom sat some of the Repub- licans of the day. 'nig I can state with perfect certainty, for I have heard it, with immense regret, from the very lips of an illustrious orator, who even presumed to boast to me that he had taken a leading part in the fatal resolution which those who directed the French Government imposed, as it

were, upon their chief. And this is the generosity of republics !' Count Cavour explained that while his Government had maintained a friendly de- meanour towards England, France, and Russia, it had never sacrificed the interest of the country to either.

As to the bill, after the attempt on the 14th January the French Govern- ment sent a despatch couched in very moderate language. A confidential reply. was sent to that despatch, stating that the laws of Piedmont were sufficient to deal with the crimes to which it referred. At the same time he told both the Governments of France and Rome that the true cause of the evil was in the acts that led to the political emigrations, and the true re-

medy would be to put a stop to the state of things that led to these emigra- tions, by better government and less oppression. Afterwards it was found that the law was not efficient, and then the bill was brought in. The Go- vernment also learned that an attempt would be made against the life of the King of Sardinia. " The case no longer affected merely the Emperor of the French, but even a Sovereign who is surrounded with all our affection. These items of information did not reach us from Governments having an interest in urging us to the adoption of repressive measures ; they came to us from a source that cannot be suspected, from a Government excessively jealous of the rights of asylum—from a Government which daily makes i greater efforts to maintain intact the right of asylum, and to prevent any excessive or severe measures being adopted with respect to refugees." pi_ nally, Count Cavour declared that the fate of the Government depended on the vote of the Chamber.

On the 17th, Brofferio returned to the charge, and defended the French Republic of 1848. In the course of it he said- ' And here I ask leave to make an indiscreet revelation. General An. tonini, a few mouths before his death, communicated to me a letter, of which I have spoken to m litieal friends, and in which General Oudinot

wrote to him, have 60,11.1' men, artillery, cavalry, and infantry ; give me an opportunity of interfering. Ring the alarm-bell at Buse; I will de- scend Mont Cenis, and we will go together to Vienna.' " But the most remarkable speech came-from General La Marmora, some passages of which will be found very curious- " I was at Novara, Chief of the Staff of Division. I was called to Turin by the Prime Minister, Alfieri, and three hours were given me to prepare to start for France in search of a general. Two or three illustrious names were mentioned to me ; one was that of Bugeaud. The Marquis Brignole im- mediately procured me an audience of Cavaignac. The General—and he was the President of a Republic—was astonished that I should have pre- sented myself without an autograph letter from Charles Albert, and also that I had no credentials. I had never been on a diplomatic mission, and did not even know what credentials were. (Laughter.) There were no railways or telegraphs then, and the credentials did not arrive until ten or twelve days after. Then I thought that all was right. The Marquis Brig- nole asked for another audience for me. 'What did General Cavaignac reply when I asked him for Marshal Bugeaud, who appeared disposed to come? Vous ne l'aurez pas, et je vous prdviens qu'il est garde a vue.' (Vakrio- " You should have gone to Lamartine.") But if they were all the same ? (Laughter.) You wish me to speak of Lamartine ? The reply to those who asked him to assist Charles Albert is well known—' I will never allow the Mediterranean to become an Italian lake.' He professed Hellenism only when in opposition. I recollect also that, in 1846 or 1847, he said from the tribune that he had seen the Austrians working at the fortifications of Alessandria. I thought to myself, what could ever have .put it into that poetical head that the Austrians were at Ales- sandna ? Do you know what it was ? He had seen our sappers and miners working in their shirt-sleeves, and had taken them for Austrians. (General laughter.) I will not name the other Generals. Cavaignac, with respect to them, said to me—' If they like to go they are free to do so ; speak to them.' One of them had already asked of me many explanations, and listened willingly to those I gave him. Fifteen days had already passed; our army meanwhile was without a General, and lacked confidence in its chiefs. You may imagine what I suffered. One day the General in question said to me, I cannot accept '• and, as I insisted, he at last told me that he had seen a report to General Cavaignac, in which it was stated that we had only 10,000 or 12,000 men. Our 120,000 were not all good ; many would have been better at home; but 60,000 or 70,000 good soldiers we certainly had. It was the same thing as saying to him, I will not let you go.' I obtained a last audience; and then General Cavaignee, after many a turning about,.(giri,) said to me, Enfin, nous ne voulons pas nous brouiller avec l'Autriche pour vous faire plaint.: (Sensation.) Subsequently, I had other missions to the President of the Republic, Louis Napoleon, and was always received as the representative of a Sovereign ; and the language of that head of the French Government was always marked by the greatest sympathy towards Piedmont and Italy."

A telegraphic despatch from Turin, dated April 22, states that "the reply of the Court of Naples to the last Sardinian Note was officially communicated that day to Count Cavour. It is couched in moderate terms, but contains a flat refusal of the Sardinian demands."

�IIaI8.—No new intelligence has yet been received from India. The fuller despatches brought by the overland mail arrived early in the week, but beyond some " graphic ' descriptions by the Times special corre- spondent they do not contain anything beyond the summary forwarded by telegraph. The reason of this is that the most exciting news reached Bombay in a telegraphic form, so that the letter-writers are compelled simply to collate and amplify despatches.

R n i t P h ftatrs.—The Niagara arrived at Liverpool ow Monday with advices from New York to the 7th.

The bill for the admission of Kansas embodying the Crittenden sub- stitute had been rejected by the Senate, and sent back to the House of Representatives. The opposition, however, remained firm, and reso- lutely adhered to the Crittenden substitute. The consequence is that the Kansas bill is lost through the disagreement of the two Houses of Con- gress.

t al 111 6IIIIII M1141E—Papers from Cape Town to the 9th March have reached us. Governor Grey was to open the fifth session of the first Cape Parliament on the 10th. The Cape Town Nail speaks in glowing terms of the effects of local self-government in the colony.

"'We need only refer to the enactments for regulating the armed and mounted police, for enrolling the burghers for the defence of their respective divisions, for encouraging the formation of volunteer rifle corps, for extend- ing the jurisdiction and increasing the numbers of the district magistrates, with many other acts of the like nature, all tending to consolidate the country for self-defence and self-government. Industry thus protected has poured into the treasury an increasing revenue every year, and, as all our taxes are based on business transactions, we have thus a proof of constantly increasing traffic. The revenue in 1853, the last year of the old Govern- ment, was 308,472/. Last year, 1857, the fourth year of the new Govern- ment, it was 401,845/. The value of Colonial produce exported in 1853 was 732,5231. In 1857 it was 1,833,7001. The imports for 1853 were valued at 1,639,136/. In 1857 they were valued at 2,637,1921. To this we have to add specie imported last year to the amount of 246,666/." The measures on the paper for the approaching session make a goodly show.

Ea.—This colony has been the scene of a serious riot. The people of the island took offence at the employment of " Barbudas people " to load vessels. Thomas Barnard, a Barbudian, wounded Henry Jarvis, an Antiguan, in a personal encounter. Barnard boasted of his victory, and the Antiguan, assembling in force, attacked his house and ill-treated all of his countrymen and women whom they could find. While Mr. Justice Loring was reading the Riot Act, he was knocked down with stones. The police, few in number, but well-armed, were obliged to fire on the mob. Reinforced by special constables they were nevertheless assailed in their own station, and the mob was not quelled until eight of their number were killed and thirteen were severely wounded. The combats lasted three days. Order was restored by the arrival of mounted men and the display of two guns.