Dilemma for the man in the middle'

Sir: Who are the 'middle men'?

I mean those in relatively senior positions in public bodies, colleges, educational institutions and similar bodies. Why worry about them? Because many of them, like myself, find themselves faced with a pos- sible political decision: is the per- formance and promise of the pre- sent Conservative government and its alternative Labour opposition yet clear enough to alter any com- mitment or lack of commitment among the groups mentioned?

Numerically such people may be few: their power to affect decision- making in certain spheres may be something that any government could value. 1 see three areas in which certain things are becoming clearer to me as one of those per- sons: The Conservative government:

(a) The Budget may bring about a consumer-led recovery, growth in the money supply, with stagnant private investment still expected. Is this management of the econo- my in a time of inflation? The Barber 'tax revolution' may yet be the biggest irrelevancy of all.

(b) Possible improvements in cen- tral government decision-making could revolutionise the constitu- tional set-up, but there seems too much evidence, except for one or two cases, of the lack of political skill and administrative control required at second-tier level in government.

(c) The Government seems deter- mined to go into the Common Market. .Demands for a referen- dum by fairly responsible people are an indication that this is a con- stitutional issue as much as an eco- nomic one, and not enough has been revealed on the implications of this.

(d) Social policy, particularly in the field of the social services, is imposing major taxes (the latest is the National Insurance rise in contributions) that will effectively disenchant one source of political power for the Conservatives—the middle-income groups. Call this selfish if you wish, but it is there. The Labour alternative: (a) The approach to the trade union Bill is politically unwise, de- spite obvious doubts about its real effectiveness in promoting its long- term objectives.

(b) What is the possible alternative leadership to Wilson?

(c) There is no real clue yet to the character of the party in the 'seventies. The trade union links remain as strong as ever.

(d) The party is the only political alternative to Conservatism, as long as we have the present elec- toral system. (I discount the Libe- rals—and Enid Lakeman.) The economic background: (a) There seems real doubt now that the economy can ever elTec- tively `go' (this is not a silly statement).

(b) A commitment to growth on the part of the present Prime Minister may therefore be un- wise.

(c) There is a possibility that we shall remain a second-rate eco- nomic force. Should we worry?

Where does this leave the 'man in the middle'? The group I identi- fy with seem to have certain alter- natives open to them: (a) They can take full political re- sponsibility by voting and working for one of the main parties, within their constitutional context.

(b) They can 'pick and choose' on issues, if they can identify them clearly enough among the party programmes.

(c) They can get on with their jobs, abstaining from electoral and poll, tical activity. (I can hear the mut- terings already: 'remember the middle-classes in Germany'.)

(d) They can become a political force themselves. The example of Desmond Donnelly is not inspiring in this context.

Choosing what seems to be the right alternative course of action assumes greater importance today, when we seem to be faced with a 'fluidity' in voting commitment, according to some of the political commentators. Does 'one vote— one value' have less or greater relevance now to the groups I have defined?

J. W. Banks Moleview. 12 Farquhar Street, Berge°, Hertford